"News media played a prominent role in perpetuating the 1994 Rwandan genocide. Since then, Rwanda has undergone impressive social and economic growth, but the media landscape during this redevelopment remains understudied. Qualitative interviews with Rwandan journalists reveal that reporters censor
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themselves to promote peace and reunification. Short-term, prioritizing social good over media rights might help unify the country, but ultimately it could limit development and reinforce existing authoritarian power structures. Findings suggest that McQuail’s development media theory and Hachten’s developmental concept maintain relevance but point to the need for a new or revised media development paradigm." (Abstract)
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"Without a doubt, the combined power of the public arena and broadcast media is a very efective social tool for collective action in Afghanistan. Yet there are serious limits to both the media’s self-advocacy and the public’s strong and unwavering support. Te media-related crimes and murders men
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tioned in this chapter are a few of the many. Yet no arrests are made and no one is prosecuted in most of these cases. Zoorawarah can continue to censor media makers with impunity and without fears of retribution. Broadcasting the incidents of violence and censorship against media personnel and the media writ large, as well as the subsequent protests and production of investigative and expository programs is indeed generative in creating dialogue and raising awareness about media rights and the important role of a free media in a society, but it is clearly not enough. Tus far, we have seen examples of two types of potential cultural imperialism. By aggressively promoting and offering their own media products, programs, and formats, at little or no cost, the argument can be made that foreign countries are impeding the development of Afghanistan’s own media industry, artistry, and media crafts. Additionally, we have seen examples of censorship, both from endogenous and exogenous forces, ranging from pressuring the government to ban programming or directly pressuring producers to do so. In extreme cases, we have seen an egregious third form of censorship becoming prevalent in Afghanistan. High-level media personnel and wealthy media owners who are ofen prominent public fgures, such as politicians, warlords, drug lords, religious leaders, and businessmen, hire body guards and live behind gated fortress mansions, while low-level television personalities and reporters are subjected to threats, physical attacks, and death for providing people with programming they want to watch and which gives them a platform to raise their voices. Hence, it is the mid- and low-level media professionals, not the owners of the television stations they work for nor the foreign governments that are the patrons of the stations, who bear the ultimate burden of media freedom and reform in Afghanistan. Caught between warring ideologies that range from Islamist to commercial to “developmentalist,” as brave as these Afghan media personalities and journalists are, and despite their high media a profile, their low socioeconomic status leaves them vulnerable to abuse and possible death." (Conclusion, page 168-169)
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"This article focuses on AKTrolls, defined as pro-government political trolls in Turkey, while attempting to draw implications about political trolling in the country in general. It examines their methods and effects, and it interrogates whether (and how) Turkish authorities have attempted to shape
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or counter politically motivated social media content production through trolling after the Gezi Park Protests that took place in 2013. My findings are based on an ethnographic study that included participant observation and in-depth interviews in a setting that is under-studied and about which reliable sources are difficult to find. The study demonstrates political trolling activity in Turkey is more decentralized and less institutionalized than generally thought, and is based more on ad hoc decisions by a larger public. However, I argue here that AKTrolls do have impact on reducing discourses on social media that are critical of the government, by engaging in surveillance, among other practices." (Abstract)
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"There has been a decline in trust in the media in the LAC region. While in 2004 nearly two-thirds of individuals reported having high trust in the media, this result dropped to only half of individuals in 2016/17. Individuals who perceive the media as representative of different viewpoints or who h
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ave high trust in the media are more likely to report being satisfied with the way democracy is functioning in their country. Citizen evaluations of media pluralism and ownership concentration do not correspond with expert evaluations of media environments in the LAC region. While experts might hold that greater concentration of ownership inevitably erodes pluralism, the public does not make this link." (Key findings)
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"El libro contiene “un recorrido por la comunicación para el desarrollo, alternativas, popular, cambio social y buen vivir”. La obra recoge también experiencias de políticas de comunicación en la Región y una mirada del manejo de la comunicación en el Paraguay, además, “propuestas de ej
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es de discusiones para una política pública de comunicación en el Paraguay”. Según el autor, en los últimos años se aprobaron importantes normativas sobre “los servicios de comunicación audiovisual” en la Argentina, Uruguay, Bolivia y Ecuador. Cada uno presenta características comunes y particularidades, siendo los derechos humanos la base de todas estas experiencias, y, en el caso de Bolivia y Ecuador con la inclusión de un nuevo paradigma: el bien vivir/buen vivir. Agrega que Paraguay “carece de una política pública de comunicación. Solo se adoptan estrategias comunicacionales por cada administración. Falta una política de estado en cuanto a la comunicación, discutida ampliamente con la ciudadanía, las entidades educativas, formadoras de profesionales de la comunicación, las organizaciones de medios empresariales, medios de servicios de la comunicación audiovisual, la comunicación y las TIC, la comunicación y los pueblos indígenas y colectivos culturales, otros actores”. En el libro, estos temas se desarrollan en tres partes, de las cuales, la primera aborda las aproximaciones teóricas a la comunicación y profundiza en lo que es hoy: comunicación para el desarrollo y cambio social, y, la comunicación para el buen vivir. En la segunda se recorre las políticas de comunicación, en especial las normativas recientes, de Argentina, Bolivia, Ecuador y Uruguay. En la tercera parte se realiza un estudio sobre la comunicación en el Paraguay, una mirada histórica y un análisis de la comunicación en distintas etapas y planteándose propuestas teniendo en cuenta cinco grandes aspectos: los desafíos de la democratización de la comunicación, las tecnologías de información y comunicación, las necesidades formativas de comunicadores, las industrias culturales y la necesidad de contar con una entidad rectora democrática." (https://signisalc.org/presentan-libro-vivir-la-comunicacion, 25.11.2018)
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"In this article, I argue that populism has a troubling relationship with democratic communication. As illustrated by contemporary Latin American cases, populism’s illiberalism is contrary to the existence of the communication commons—a public space characterized by diversity, tolerance, reason,
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and facts. It is grounded in a binary, agonistic view of politics; an understanding of “the people” as a unified subject; and espousal of post-truth politics. With its brand of divisive politics, populism is unfit to address central communicative challenges of contemporary multicultural democracies. Critical communication scholarship needs to engage both with the rise of populism as well as the challenges for progressive communication amid a toxic atmosphere of intolerance and the balkanization of the public sphere." (Abstract)
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"Während viele Bürgerinnen und Bürger sowie Beobachter große Hoffnungen hegen, die sozialen Medien könnten ein wirksames Instrument sein, um soziale Bewegungen zu Themen wie Ungleichheit, Ungerechtigkeit und Umwelt in Gang zu setzen, ist es zuweilen schwierig, die massenhaften Reaktionen in den
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sozialen Medien in konkretes gemeinsames Handeln auf physischer Ebene umzusetzen. Beispiele wie das der »6700 Menschen für 6700 Bäume« in Hanoi bleiben die Ausnahme. Gesellschaftliches Engagement lässt sich nicht mit der Kraft von »Social Media Power« gleichsetzen, da es nur dann größere Dynamik entfaltet, wenn es nicht direkt politische Autorität, die Interessen mächtiger Institutionen, Parteiführer oder einflussreiche Einzelpersonen und deren persönliche Interessen herausfordert, sei es lokal oder auf Landesebene. Dass dies nach wie vor so ist, liegt vor allem daran, dass soziale Medien leicht marginalisiert und wirkungsvoll unterdrückt werden können." (Seite 232)
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"This article focuses on AKTrolls, defined as pro-government political trolls in Turkey, while attempting to draw implications about political trolling in the country in general. It examines their methods and effects, and it interrogates whether (and how) Turkish authorities have attempted to shape
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or counter politically motivated social media content production through trolling after the Gezi Park Protests that took place in 2013. My findings are based on an ethnographic study that included participant observation and in-depth interviews in a setting that is under-studied and about which reliable sources are difficult to find. The study demonstrates political trolling activity in Turkey is more decentralized and less institutionalized than generally thought, and is based more on ad hoc decisions by a larger public. However, I argue here that AKTrolls do have impact on reducing discourses on social media that are critical of the government, by engaging in surveillance, among other practices." (Abstract)
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"2017 was marred by the assassination, in Malta, of the investigative journalist Daphne Caruana Galizia, an event which represented the darkest hour for media freedom and media pluralism in the European Union since the 2015 Charlie Hebdo massacre in France. This crime has profoundly shaken Europe an
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d has had an impact on its image as a bastion of human rights and democratic values. Publishers continued to face significant economic pressures, and 2017 confirmed the decline in the revenues of the press sector and of many local and community newspapers across Europe, a worldwide trend signalling continued job losses in the sector and the lower viability of the media business as organisations struggle to find sustainable business models in the face of digital transformation. The spread of online disinformation and hate speech, including concerns about their impact on elections and referenda in 2016, represented major areas of debate during 2017. States, international institutions, and private enterprises have discussed or adopted measures – both legislative and non-legislative – to address these phenomena, and several of these measures have, in turn, raised concerns about their impact on the freedom of expression and respect for the rule of law. Due to the aforementioned concerns with regard to the economic difficulties faced by publishers, as well as online hate speech and disinformation, 2017 was noteworthy for an increased interest in the analysis of the influence of major online platforms in both public debate and public opinion. Queries over accountability, transparency and the overall effect on democracy in relation to the digital platforms have escalated. In 2017, several stakeholders expressed concerns about such platforms’ use of machine learning and algorithms in personalising news feeds, as well as their use of the end-users’ data for targeted advertising purposes." (Executive summary)
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"Explores the drastic efforts being made by elites to contain online activism, as well as how ‘fake news’, a failed digital vote-counting system and the incumbent president’s recruitment of Cambridge Analytica contributed to tensions around the 2017 elections. Reframing digital democracy from
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the African perspective, Nyabola’s ground-breaking work opens up new ways of understanding our current global online era." (Publisher description)
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"Contemporary Latin American Cinema investigates the ways in which neoliberal measures of privatization, de-regularization and austerity introduced in Latin America during the 1990s have impacted film production and film narratives. The collection examines the relationship between economic policies
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and the films that depict recent transformations in many Latin American countries, demonstrating how contemporary Latin American film has not only criticized and resisted, but also benefitted from neoliberal advancements. Based on films produced in Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico and Peru since 2010, the fourteen case studies illustrate neoliberalism's effects, from big industries to small national cinemas. It also shows the new types of producers that have emerged, and the novel patterns of distribution, exhibition and consumption that shape and influence the Latin American filmscape." (Publisher description)
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"Amid civil war, failing states, and terrorism, Arab liberals are growing in numbers and influence. Advocating a culture of equity, tolerance, good governance, and the rule of law, they work through some of the region's largest media outlets to spread their ideals within the culture. Broadcasting Ch
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ange analyzes this trend by portraying the intersection of media and politics in two Arab countries with seismic impact on the region and beyond. Through TV talk shows, drama, and comedy, local liberals play off the government's anti-Islamist agenda to more thoughtfully advocate religious reform." (Back cover)
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"Like we control our data, we should be aware that dealing with social media as a party or as a politician carries with it a far bigger responsibility than for an individual who uses it. Inappropriate posts or retweets of information that have not been cross-checked can cause havoc in communities an
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d whole societies. Be relaxed about social media. Work with people who are savvy in the new technologies and handle them in a responsible manner. We at KAS Media Africa have observed the changes in the field very closely. We know that a booklet like this might be overtaken by technology only months after it has been published. We, however, wish you success as you use these new means of communication to reach many of your followers more quickly and more effectively than ever before." (Foreword)
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"Nous observons ainsi des mutations profondes dans le champ de la liberté de la presse, qui progresse sur plusieurs points, mais recule également dans certains autres. La liberté des médias est notamment limitée par de nombreuses restrictions légales sur le droit de communiquer des information
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s et des idées, bien que des progrès soient observés en ce qui concerne les garanties juridiques à chercher et à recevoir de l’information. En ce qui concerne le pluralisme des médias, les cinq dernières années ont vu la multiplication considérable des sources d’information. Pourtant, la concentration de la propriété des médias et des services Internet soulève des préoccupations majeures. Les effets de filtrage des médias sociaux, qui créent des « bulles » dans lesquelles les gens n’accèdent pas à la vérité ou aux « points de vue » qu’ils jugeraient « gênants » ou « inappropriés » sont un exemple. La manipulation et la diffusion de fausses informations par des organes de propagande en sont un autre. On note également un arrêt des progrès sur l’égalité des genres dans les contenus et en personnel. Les tendances montrent que l’indépendance des médias s’affaiblit et que les normes professionnelles du journalisme s’érodent sous l’effet des forces économiques d’un côté et du manque de reconnaissance de la part des acteurs politiques de l’autre. Les entreprises de médias et de l’Internet sont de plus en plus conscientes de la nécessité de s’autoréguler. En ce qui concerne enfin la sécurité physique, psychologique et numérique des journalistes, les tendances restent extrêmement alarmantes, même si la mise en oeuvre du Plan d’Action des Nations Unies sur la sécurité des journalistes et la question de l’impunité représente un espoir. Il existe un nouvel élan pour des mécanismes de suivi, de prévention, de protection et de renforcement de la justice pour les crimes commis contre les journalistes. Cet élan doit être encouragé." (Avant-propos, pages 10-11)
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"Poor News examines the way discourses of poverty are articulated in the news media by incorporating specific narratives and definers that bring about certain ideological worldviews. This happens, the authors claim, because journalists and news editors make use of a set of information strategies whi
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le accessing certain sources within specific social and political dynamics. The book looks at the case of the news media in Britain since the industrial revolution and produces a historical account of how these media discourses came into play. The main thesis is that there have been different historical cycles that reflect particular hegemonic ideas of each period. Consequently, the role of mainstream journalism has been a subservient one for existing elites when it comes to the propagation of dominant ideas." (Publisher description)
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