"Online labour markets (OLMs) are a vital source of income for globally diverse and dispersed freelancers. Despite their promise of neutrality, OLMs are known to perpetuate hiring discrimination, vested in how OLMs are designed and what kinds of interactions they enable between freelancers and hirer
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s. In this study, we go beyond understanding mechanisms of hiring discrimination in OLMs, to identifying platform design features that can minimise hiring discrimination. To do so, we draw on a methodology guided by the design justice ethos. Drawing on a survey on UK-based freelancers and interviews with a purposefully drawn sub-sample, we collaboratively identify five platform design interventions to minimise hiring discrimination in OLMs: community composition, identity-signalling flairs, text only reviews, union membership, and an antidiscrimination prompt. The core of our study is an innovative experiment conducted on a purpose-built, mock OLM, Mock-Freelancer.com. On this mock OLM, we experimentally test mechanisms of discrimination, including how these mechanisms fare under the five altered platform design interventions through a discrete-choice experiment. We find that both community and flairs were important in encouraging the hiring of women and non-White freelancers. We also establish that anonymity universally disadvantages freelancers. We conclude with recommendations to design OLMs that minimise labour market discrimination." (Abstract)
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"This paper introduces the concept of ‘oligopolistic platformisation’ to capture the specific dynamics of collaboration and competition between multinational upstream agribusinesses and Big Tech companies in the agricultural (ag) sector. We examine this phenomenon through the lens of Van Dijck e
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t al.’s platform mechanisms: datafication, selection and commodification. Multinational agribusinesses operate sectoral ag platforms that analyse spatial, weather and agronomic data to optimise farming operations, whilst Big Tech companies provide the digital infrastructure, including cloud computing, data analytics and artificial intelligence. We explore how these pre-existing oligopolistic market structures influence the process and outcomes of platformisation in the ag sector. Using expert interviews, field observations, economic relationship mapping and an extensive literature review, we investigate relationships amongst multinational agribusinesses and between agribusinesses and Big Tech companies. Our findings reveal that Big Tech and multinational agribusinesses are collaboratively establishing digital platforms as the core organisational form of digital agriculture, aiming to consolidate most services. This collaboration blurs the lines between traditionally distinct industries, fostering overlapping ecosystems and mutually beneficial economic relationships in an already highly concentrated market. This dynamic has the potential to reinforce the market position of established companies, increase farmers’ dependency on agribusinesses and contribute to fragmented and siloed data systems." (Abstract)
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"In 2011, Alibaba launched the Taobao Villages initiative, which enables rural e-commerce and connects rural sellers with urban buyers, highlighting the role of e-commerce platforms in reducing rural poverty. This approach was later integrated into national rural development policies. As the Digital
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Silk Road initiative progresses and Alibaba expands globally, Taobao Villages’ development experience is being promoted worldwide. Using Taobao Villages as a case study, this paper integrates the agrarian question in Marxian political economy with critical development communication studies. It explores why rural areas’ underdevelopment is perceived as a problem solvable by digital platforms, why this development approach emerged in post-socialist China, and its potential impacts. This paper argues that the Taobao Village exemplifies a dominant paradigm of development communication, produced by Alibaba, development experts, and government officials through shared knowledge practices. It examines the texts, intellectual frameworks, and diffusion processes involved in this knowledge production by employing critical discourse analysis. The study highlights how Taobao Villages reinforce the notion that informatization facilitates marketization, thus perpetuating and adapting three mainstream rural development ideas in post-socialist China. The underlying issue of rural China’s underdevelopment, the privatization and capitalization of rural social reproduction driven by China’s neoliberal globalization, sets the stage for another wave of digital labor exploitation. Furthermore, the widespread neoliberal ideology that advocates using e-commerce to foster social development creates internal challenges and generates external pressures within China." (Abstract)
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"This study explores the construction of distributed trust under today’s networked environment. Focusing on diaspora micro-influencers’ COVID-19-related videos on Bilibili, this study aims to explore: How platform-specific features of Bilibili enhance the construction of distributed trust; the d
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ynamics among a diversity of sources on trust building; and the ways in which the content of uploaders’ videos and users’ comments contribute to the formation of distributed trust. The results show that user participation, particularly participatory surveillance enabled by platform-specific features, plays a key role in the construction of distributed trust. Although it has new characteristics, we can also see that the formation of distributed trust is not a replacement of the old model but only an outcome of its transformation and evolvement." (Abstract)
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"The Policy Brief covers pathways for reform of government regulation or public policy with respect to areas applicable to platform workers. These include: a) Laws and statutes enacted by the legislative branch or Congress; and b) Administrative issuances made by the executive branch [...] Further,
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it must be noted that judicial decisions promulgated by the Supreme Court also form part of the Philippine legal system. Indeed, numerous judicial decisions clarify rights pertaining to labour. Foremost in these decisions are the elements in determining the existence of employment relationship, more commonly known today as the four-fold test, which was first enunciated in the Supreme Court decision of Viaña v. Al-Lagadan in 1956. For the purposes of this Policy Brief, these doctrines will be considered as governing law or of what constitutes the present policy and legal landscape from which gaps may be identified. However, possible changes in the doctrines promulgated by the Supreme Court are excluded from the coverage for being judicial, and not political in nature. Thus, the Policy Brief includes proposals that can be adopted either through a legislative act or an executive or administrative issuance, taking into consideration the nuances of the breadth of legislative processes and the limits of executive rulemaking as merely directed to an existing law’s implementation." (Executive summary, page 6)
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"The APWR calls on regional institutions and national government agencies to consider the following recommendations: 1. Standardise commission rates [...]
2. Mandate platforms to provide risk mitigation strategies and safety nets [...]
3. The contracts and/or terms and conditions must be subject to
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the Law of the Land [...]
4. Platforms must integrate anti-discrimination policies, and not punish workers who speak up against discrimination [...]
5. Make provisions for the recognition of worker associations, unions and collective bargaining rights [...] (Pages 7-9)
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"The majority of scholarship on platform governance focuses on for-profit, corporate social media with highly centralized network structures. Instead, we show how non-centralized platform governance functions in the Mastodon social network. Through an analysis of survey data, Github and Discourse de
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veloper discussions, Mastodon Codes of Conduct, and participant observations, we argue Mastodon’s platform governance is an exemplar of the covenant, a key concept from federalist political theory. We contrast Mastodon’s covenantal federalism platform governance with the contractual form used by corporate social media. We also use covenantal federalist theory to explain how Mastodon’s users, administrators, and developers justify revoking or denying membership in the federation. In doing so, this study sheds new light on the innovations in platform governance that go beyond the corporate/alt-right platform dichotomy." (Abstract)
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"Very Large Online Platforms (VLOPs) such as Instagram, TikTok, and YouTube wield substantial influence over digital information flows using sophisticated algorithmic recommender systems (RS). As these systems curate personalized content, concerns have emerged about their propensity to amplify polar
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izing or inappropriate content, spread misinformation, and infringe on users’ privacy. To address these concerns, the European Union (EU) has recently introduced a new regulatory framework through the Digital Services Act (DSA). These proposed policies are designed to bolster user agency by offering contestability mechanisms against personalized RS. As their effectiveness ultimately requires individual users to take specific actions, this empirical study investigates users’ intention to contest personalized RS. The results of a pre-registered survey across six countries – Brazil, Germany, Japan, South Korea, the UK, and the USA –involving 6,217 respondents yield key insights: (1) Approximately 20% of users would opt out of using personalized RS, (2) the intention for algorithmic contestation is associated with individual characteristics such as users’ attitudes towards and awareness of personalized RS as well as their privacy concerns, (3) German respondents are particularly inclined to contest personalized RS. We conclude that amending Art. 38 of the DSA may contribute to leveraging its effectiveness in fostering accessible user contestation and algorithmic transparency." (Abstract)
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"This paper examines the counter-violent extremism and anti-terrorism measures in Australia, China, France, the United Kingdom and the United States by investigating how governments leveraged internet intermediaries as their surrogate censors. Particular attention is paid to how political rhetoric l
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ed to legislation passed or proposed in each of the countries studied, and their respective restrictive measures are compared against the recommendations specified by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Promotion and Protection of the Right to Freedom of Opinion and Expression. A typology for international comparison is proposed, which provides further insights into a country’s policy focus." (Abstract)
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"Governments have updated penal codes and national security laws, enacted fake news and cybersecurity laws as well as laws that govern internet service providers and technology companies. These laws have widely been used to block and remove online content that call out blind spots in government poli
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cies and to intimidate and prosecute these content creators through hefty fines and jail time. Efforts to hold political office holders and government officials accountable for their policies are increasingly penalised. These government actions have significantly impacted civil society actors in numerous ways. First, individuals and organisations utilising the online sphere to hold government officials and policies accountable have come under intense scrutiny, resulting in the criminalisation of critics and the blocking and removal of online content deemed sensitive by state authorities. Second, the effectiveness of civil society in holding governments accountable is compromised, as state authorities routinely direct internet service providers and technology companies to block or remove online content considered sensitive or illegal. Consequently, individuals and organisations increasingly find their digital content at risk of being blocked or removed, succumbing to government directives to internet service providers and technology companies. This diminishes civil society’s calls for accountability. Third, on several instances, governments have imposed internet shutdowns - particularly during elections and politically sensitive periods - to disrupt the information flow. Ultimately, this has limited civil society’s ability to send and receive communications effectively to mobilise people to hold governments publicly accountable during politically important instances. Fourth, troll ng has surfaced as a mainstream strategy to harass and intimidate individuals and organisations who seek to hold governments accountable. Typically orchestrated by organised groups or cybertroopers, these digital attacks increasingly involve online hate speech directed at women who call out blindspots in government policies. Fifth, the ways of working of INGOs and CSOs have changed, leading many organisations to restrict the scope and assertiveness of their communications to shield themselves from government retribution and trolling. Some entities have opted to remove the visibility of their organisations, incorporating measures such as disallowing the use of their logos or the publishing of videos, photos and text by local partners in order to distance themselves from particular activities and contents of knowledge products. Given these developments, the principal recommendation is that key stakeholders, including international organisations, governments, ISPs and technology companies, and civil society actors, should recognise that criticism of government policies and officials is a legitimate activity and a vital form of expression for civil society. Hence, any measures, whether legal or non-legal, that interfere with or criminalise this legitimate activity should be rescinded or disallowed. Instead, measures should be put in place to ensure that civil society is empowered to call out the blind spots in government policies." (Executive summary)
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"This report compares two large random samples of Twitter accounts that tweet in English: one taken just before Elon Musk acquired Twitter in October 2022, and one taken three months later, in January 2023. It also examines several related datasets collected during the period following the acquisiti
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on, a period in which, the study found, new accounts were created at a record-breaking pace. Some extremist and conspiracy networks created accounts faster than the baseline rate, probably because changes to Twitter’s trust and safety policies had been announced. In the context of these policy announcements, the study examines some reinstated accounts, with mixed results. Despite the loosening of several content policies, accounts that automated the sending of tweets (‘bots’) saw activity drop sharply during the period of the study, with many bot accounts being suspended or deactivated, while others voluntarily curtailed their activity in light of the API changes announced. Deactivated accounts were dominated by sex-related content and apparent financial spam or scams, often coupled with automated tweeting." (Abstract)
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"Digitale Monopole bringen immer größere Teile unserer Lebenswelt unter ihre Kontrolle. Die Plattformen dominieren zunehmend die politische Meinungsbildung und schaffen zugleich unsere freie Marktwirtschaft ab. Man fragt sich: Ist das überhaupt noch legal? Warum sollten wir uns das noch länger g
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efallen lassen? Der Medienwissenschaftler Martin Andree zeigt messerscharf, wie weit die feindliche Übernahme unserer Gesellschaft durch die Tech-Giganten schon fortgeschritten ist - und wie wir uns das Internet zurückerobern können." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Bringing together 15 journalism scholars from around the world, this book explores and offers solutions to the common issues and inadequacies of reporting on sexual violence in the media. Presenting a range of conceptual, methodological, and empirical chapters, the book tackles issues related to, o
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r missing, from journalism in three parts: Part I acknowledges and surveys the role journalism plays in shining a light on social injustices and critiques research deficits in reporting on sexual violence; Part II employs cutting-edge research linked to an intersectional lens to amplify the voices that have been silenced in the media coverage; Part III explores how advocacy, campaign, and solutions journalism offers frameworks for ethical reporting on the shadow epidemic of sexual violence during these COVID-normal times." (Publisher description)
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