"As Europeans began to travel to all corners of the earth beginning in the 15th century, they were determined not only to conquer new lands but also to spread their faith. From Johann Gutenberg they had learned the power of the printed word, and were determined to use this revolutionary new technolo
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gy to christianize Asia. The impact of these efforts varied depending on a number of circumstances. The two most significant variables were the ability to wield control as a colonial power (e.g. in the Philippines, but not in Japan or China) and the pre-existence of a widespread print culture (e.g. in China), or lack thereof (e.g. in India and Malaya). This summary account of missionary printing also suggests that the principal difference between Roman Catholic and Protestant presses was the emphasis placed by the former on the exposition of Christian doctrine and the printing of catechetical treatises, and the early concentration by the latter on the preparation of partial or complete versions of the Bible in local languages." (Page 114)
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"This article investigates the 'discursive notion' of communication technology, as embedded in the discussion of mediatization. Instead of focusing on the technical structure of media and its impact on society, I will alternatively turn my attention to its symbolic dimension. I will look beyond the
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surface of the symbolic, by questioning how this dimension has been discursively created. As such, I suggest using the term 'discursive notion', as discourse also refers to power relations. The analysis of the discursive notion relating to the internet in Morocco is developed through the critical approach of postcolonial theory. This is done with the aim of dissecting the construction of colonial discourse, and in order to show how specific power relations continue to function to present." (Abstract)
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"The history of Uganda from the days of Colonial Rule, when modern mass media was introduced was revisited. The thesis of this study was that the substance of the political governance model inherited from Uganda’s colonial past continues in the postindependence period to define the relationship be
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tween the media and government on the one hand, and within media industry itself. This governance model was grounded in power monopoly, power domination, and power preservation, with the ensuing characteristics of exclusiveness, privilege and intolerance of opposition, difference and diversity. State power was not informed by the discourse of good governance nor did it cater for a democratic environment. Legislative, administrative and strong-arm measures were all strategies of power and control that the colonial government deployed to manage a media deemed non-compliant, and thereby maintain and protect the supremacy of its rule. By the same token, the anti-media freedom measures were also an implicit recognition of the power of the press, understood as a subversive threat." (Conclusion, page 90-91)
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"Static: Race and Representation in Post-apartheid Music, Media and Film critically examines music, cinema, social media and the politics of change after apartheid. It cuts across academic disciplines, the creative arts and the media and poses two central questions: Is South Africa changing for the
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better, or are we static? Is there too much static for us to hear each other clearly? Static provides key insights into recent media phenomena, such as Die Antwoord; the 2010 Soccer World Cup; Bok van Blerk; Tsotsi; Kuli Roberts' Sunday World column on 'coloureds'; revisionist film Afrikaaps and the University of the Free State's Reitz video scandal." (Publisher description)
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"This thesis operates from the observation that "Decolonising the Mind", i.e. a cultural decolonisation process, was needed after the independence of African countries to support and flesh out political decolonisation. Culture, as shown, played a major role in the mobilisation of support for nationa
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list movements, but after independence nationalist culture was just one among many. In both cases presented here, the most pressing issue after political independence was how to deal with the different identities that had previously existed and were onyl partially cushioned by political and cultural nationalism. Now that the political kingdom had been attained, the different language, cultural and political groups started to ask questions about their place in this kingdom. Although many politicians shared the idea that "once you have a national identity, the question of culture becomes something which flows automatically", it soon turned out to be misguided. Media and education were seen to be the major tools in "decolonising the mind". However, a close analysis of the electronic media in the two cases presented here shows that the policies for promoting national unity in programmes were largely ineffective. Instead, radio programmes, both before and after independence, provided a space to negotiate issues of national identity. This space was sometimes more, sometimes less restricted, but listeners used it as much as they could.
Colonial media had, for all their focus on political control and censorship, accompanied and mediated social change. As described, this happened specifically in cultural programmes, where broadcasters were much freer in their work. However, Northern Rhodesian media were supposed to work as a catalyst to further the process of modernisation, and to help its listeners come to terms with the transition from being 'traditional' to becoming 'modern' Africans. In the Apartheid broadcasting system, culture was used consciously to construct a specific 'ethnic' identity, emphasising cultural traditions of the different language groups. But while the intentions were different, both broadcasting institutions were at the centre of negotiating ideas of tradition and modernity.
Both were also established because there was a need to legitimate the respective political system. Be it the Central African Federation or a 'democratic' "South West Africa/ Namibia", the political models promoted by the authorities could not just be imposed on the people. The radios were established to give reality to these constructs, to make listeners identify with a social, political and cultural space that had been defined by colonial authorities. As shown, colonial ideologies not only surfaced in obvious propaganda programmes but also significantly determined the technical and managerial setup of the stations. While radio infrastructure was formed and reformed to structure that space – by linking three territories with different political and social power structures or, following Apartheid ideology, by assigning each language group their own space according to the homeland system – culturally as well as geographically. As shown, infrastructure mirrored the proposed political models, not just in its technical aspects (i.e., the stations' footprints, transmitting posts and frequencies), but also in management structure. As the Federal Broadcasting Services were subdivided in European and African Services, respectively catering for the whole White or Black population of all three territories, the South West African Broadcasting Corporation separated first Black and White, then subdivided the three Departments in the several language Services, each broadcasting to the designated "homeland". This infrastructure not only formed the whole process of programme production and reception but was also part of it as it imparted ideological considerations. The first order of business for independent countries was therfore to restructure the radio according to the needs of the new nations." (Conclusion, page 274-275)
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"The German empire that emerges from the volume edited by Michael Perraudin and Jürgen Zimmerer is one very much embedded in a broader European colonial discourse. Just like any other empire, Germany believed itself to be a "better" empire, more benevolent, more efficient, more civilized. Yet we le
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arn that in spite of these propositions the German was a very violent, indeed genocidal, empire, whose brutal deeds were matched in its racist and aggressive representations. And we learn that while Germany's academic and political elite has sought to confront the colonial past, its general public remains for the most part detached and uninterested. While the volume gives a rich and variegated overview of the cultural processes that relate to German colonialism, the individual essays are rather short, and some of them lack the evidence and stringency of argument that one would expect of a full-fledged essay. The short introduction to the volume outlines the individual contributions, but it does not provide a theoretical framework that reflects on the culturalist approach of the volume or the claim posited in the title of a nexus between German colonialism and "German identity." A more comprehensive treatment of these overarching questions in the introduction would significantly have improved this extensive and insightful collection." (www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=32217)
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"This is the first monograph on the history of film culture ever for lusophone Africa. It consists of three parts: the colonial period (1896-1974), the first years of independence (1975-1991) and the years of the liberalization of the media (1992-2010). In these three periods attention is given to t
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he exhibition of films (and the African or local audience) and to the production of films in the country by Mozambicans or non-Mozambicans. The book takes an African perspective on film culture and the political evolutions in the country." (commbox)
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"This wide range of contemporary mass media research illustrates how Central Asia press outlets remain tightly controlled and manipulated, first under the czars, then under the Soviets, and now under authoritarian regimes. Over the past two decades, the press systems have not achieved even minimal d
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emocratization and independence by international standards. Perhaps the Internet and other technologies will have a better chance of circumventing censors and the economic obstacles that deny the great mass of Central Asians the ability to participate in a useful dialog leading to more transparent and participatory governance. Several overarching observations emerge from this synthesized examination of recent research. The five separate press systems that replaced the single Soviet system share many commonalities, although significant differences also exist. These studies indicate varying but not decisive degrees of external influences from multi-governmental entities, media-building foundations, and promoters of civil society; such influences on Central Asian media development originate with mostly Western-based journalism and mass media trainers. Another observation concerns regimes’ use and abuse of laws to control information about public affairs and public issues. That pattern evident from several studies reflects a disconnect between constitutional and statutory guarantees of press freedom on one side and actual threats to those guarantees on the other side due to libel and “honor and dignity” suits, criminal prosecutions, and tightening regulation of the Internet. Examined collectively, these studies suggest the following obstacles to democratic and independent media development in Central Asia: strict governmental and extra-governmental restraints on the press, regardless of the type of medium—print, broadcast, or Internet; inadequate professional training, leadership, resources, financial incentives, and ethical standards for journalists and prospective journalists; limitations on the ability of domestic and international press and human rights defenders to compel changes in policies and laws; insufficient market resources to create and sustain independent news organizations; and a resulting lack of credibility and public trust in the press." (Summary and conclusions, page 142)
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"Entreprise de domination par excellence, la colonisation s’est accompagnée et nourrie de représentations savantes, littéraires et artistiques, des sociétés colonisées, qui ont servi à la légitimer, au nom d’une prétendue mission civilisatrice de l’Occident, ou encore d’une soi-disa
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nt hiérarchie des « races » et des cultures. Relayées par la presse notamment, elles ont connu une large diffusion par le biais de récits d’aventure et d’une imagerie populaire qui excitaient les sentiments patriotiques et les rêves de grandeur dans le cadre de la compétition entre les États-nations tout en exaltant l’imaginaire mythique et en suscitant des émotions aptes à satisfaire le goût d’exotisme en vogue dans les milieux mondains. C’est pourquoi la critique et la déconstruction de ces représentations furent des enjeux symboliques majeurs du combat anticolonial et antiraciste. Pour des auteurs comme W. E. Du Bois, Albert Memmi, Michel Leiris ou Frantz Fanon, il s’agissait également de porter au jour le point de vue des colonisés, qui n’était perçu jusque-là que comme un groupe-objet, de restituer leur subjectivité (ce qu’on appelle en anglais « agency »), tandis qu’un Aimé Césaire, porte-parole du mouvement de la « négritude », qui retournait le stigmate en emblème, opposait aux soi-disant bienfaits de la colonisation pour les colonisés la déshumanisation des colonisateurs par leur entreprise. La période postcoloniale a ouvert un espace de réflexion plus distanciée pour penser les rapports de domination en situation coloniale. Ces représentations sont devenues un objet d’étude dans les sciences humaines et, plus récemment, dans les sciences sociales." (Introduction)
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"Much of the scholarly literature regarding theories of journalism practice is premised on the tenets of the western model of liberal democracy. To the extent that this model is held to be universal, it hinders the analytical theorization of journalistic precepts that have evolved locally in most co
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untries of the developing world. This article seeks to address this problem by exploring the evolution of what may be aptly characterized as the African journalism model. This model is grounded in oral discourse, creativity, humanity and agency. By comparing and contrasting these two models, this article seeks to challenge the assumption that African journalism is one of mere 'bandwagonism' informed by western 'modernity' and 'civilization'. In particular, by exploring the origin and transformation of journalism in sub-Saharan Africa before, during and after colonialism, this article contributes to the conceptual elaboration of alternative conceptions of the African model of journalism." (Abstract)
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"This dissertation discusses interactions between politics and book publishing by missions and colonial governments in areas of Melanesia, Micronesia, and Polynesia over approximately 200 years [...] From its inception, book publishing in the Pacific Islands has been a significant instrument of ideo
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logical power [...] Far from portraying a unidirectional flow, wherein only foreigners have published information and instructed Pacific Islanders, this dissertation argues that some islanders have sought to participate in book publishing so as to express their views and/or those of their associates or communities, and this in turn has contributed to persuading and influencing other people, sometimes even across the Pacific. The organization of mission societies around publications, for example in biblical material, schoolbooks, or laws, often reinforced indigenous power, but it also eased the imposition of colonial rule. Ironically, command of text culture assisted islanders to negotiate with new and sometimes stronger political forces. The colonial era has reinforced the role of text culture in the organization of society, and published reiteration of particular languages, customs, and geographical boundaries has helped to shape and reshape polities that have endured well into the age of independent nation-states." (Abstract)
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"Les Rwandais et les Burundais ont une culture cinématographique et audiovisuelle captivante et centenaire. Elle a été introduite pendant l’époque coloniale allemande et est ensuite tombée dans les mains des Belges qui l’ont développée après. Au Rwanda/Burundi, ils produisaient des films
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marqués par le discours colonial. Au même moment, l’imaginaire des autochtones était imprégné par le cinéma du monde (la France, l’Italie, les Etats-unis, l’Inde, le Pakistan, l’Egypte…) qui n’était guère contrôlé. Cette liberté culturelle a perduré après l’indépendance. Ainsi, la population a été confrontée au cinéma comme une expression artistique mais aussi comme un instrument de propagande. Au début, la production de cinéma et de télévision servait aux différents régimes et présidents. Après le tournant du siècle et sous l’influence du processus de Paix, les médias se sont libéralisés, favorisant ainsi, avec la révolution numérique, la production audiovisuelle. Au Rwanda, le génocide a eu une influence particulière dans le foisonnement d’initiatives privées de productions audiovisuelles et cinématographiques. Dans ce livre, Guido Convents nous invite à découvrir différents aspects de la culture audiovisuelle burundaise et rwandaise: des réalisateurs, des distributeurs, des exploitants, des comédiens, mais aussi des spectateurs, le pouvoir politique, la société civile, et tant d’autres pions. Il jette un regard, non seulement sur les images produites par les Rwandais et les Burundais mais surtout sur le rôle qu’ils attribuent au cinéma et à l’audiovisuel en général, et en particulier dans le domaine de la Paix." (Description de la maison d'édition)
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"'The only true history of a country', wrote Thomas Macaulay, 'is to be found in its newspapers'. This book explores how the media shaped and defined the economic, social, political and cultural dynamics of the British Empire by viewing it from the perspective of the colonised as well as the colonis
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ers." (Publisher description)
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"Les Congolais ont une histoire et une culture cinématographique et audiovisuelle fascinante. Dès la naissance du cinéma, ils ont été confrontés à cette invention qui était à la fois un art et un instrument de propagande. La politique du gouvernement colonial, dans un premier temps, puis ce
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lle du président Mobutu, n’a pas facilité l’accès « libre » au cinéma, qu’il s’agisse de réaliser des films ou de les voir. Le cinéma et la télévision ont été conçus et censurés par les coloniaux et le dictateur Mobutu pour soutenir ou illustrer leur pouvoir. Après la chute de Mobutu, la libéralisation des médias a provoqué un foisonnement d’initiatives privées, dont celles de la société civile. Le livre du Dr Guido Convents propose un regard sur les différents acteurs de la culture audiovisuelle congolaise, au Congo ou à l’étranger : le gouvernement, le public, les réalisateurs, les exploitants et les comédiens. Il s’interroge sur les relations qu’entretiennent les Congolais avec les images animées et constate que l’imaginaire de ce pays a été fortement imprégné de cinéma. Cet ouvrage met en évidence le fait que depuis les années cinquante, les Congolais sont conscients qu’une production audiovisuelle libre et artistique est essentielle pour le développement démocratique de leur pays." (Description de la maison d'édition)
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"A narrative of publishing in Kenya from the time of the Berlin Conference of 1884 through to the Lancaster House Conference in 1963, spanning the entire colonial period of Kenyan history. It documents publishing activities during the period, from the earliest information bulletins of the colonial s
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ettler state to the Mau Mau liberation movement publications in the 1950s and 1960s during the struggle for independence, and examines how this struggle was reflected in the communications field. Durrani offers a fresh interpretation on an important aspect of Kenyan colonial history from a working class point of view, and aims to provide a new perspective on how communications can be a powerful weapon for social justice in the hand of liberation forces. In terms of its coverage of publishing, the book is primarily concerned with newspaper publishing and magazines, the activities of small printing presses, and those of a wide variety of associations, organizations, trade unions, and nationalist movements that were part of the liberation struggle. It charts the history of these publications chronologically, and gives the full political context of each period. The book, which contains an introduction by Ngugi wa Thiong'o, is a well-documented history of the struggle of Kenyan people against British colonialism and the battle for press freedom and free expression." (Hans M. Zell, Publishing, Books & Reading in Sub-Saharan Africa, 3d ed. 2008, nr. 600)
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