"Die völlige Computerisierung der Lebenswelt entwickelt eine geradezu mahlstromartige Dynamik. Massenhaft sind die Köpfe über die Bildschirme gesenkt und starren auf vereinheitlichten Geräten auf die überall gleichen Apps. Von informationeller Autonomie kann keine Rede sein, dafür umso mehr vo
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n der »Fear of missing out«. Peter Schmitt analysiert in seinem fulminanten Essay diese neue Normalität. Die Gewalt dieses Umbruchs, der seit wenig mehr als zehn Jahren stattfindet, ist philosophisch noch kaum begriffen. Die Digitalisierung zerrt uns mit wachsender Dynamik in eine Existenzweise hinein, für oder gegen die wir uns nicht entscheiden können. Sprache unterliegt dem Siegeszug der binären Codierung, Musik, verfügbar wie Wasser und Gas, verliert real an Kontur und Substanz. Individualität als grundlegendes Selbstverhältnis des Menschen diffundiert im Netz und Freiheit ist in der digital verwalteten Welt bedrohter denn je. Was bedeutet es, wenn der Mensch zum permanent überwachten Programmanwender wird? Schmitt geht es weder um eine Verteufelung der uns umgebenden Technik noch um eine ängstliche Schutzhaltung. Sein Buch zielt auf ein angemessenes Verständnis des Digitalen und ein damit zusammenhängendes neues, »postdigitales« Selbstverständnis der Anwender. Der Autor plädiert für eine zeitgemäße Medienkritik, die den Blick für die Unwahrscheinlichkeit der Situation schärft, in die unsere Gesellschaft sich hineinmanövriert hat." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"In digitalized media societies, many journalists encounter audience hostility in publicly visible channels. Scholars theorized on the spiral process of the influence of audience feedback on journalists’ editorial work. In this spiral, audience feedback on past news coverage influences ongoing new
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s coverage, producing audience feedback that influences ongoing news coverage, and so forth. We study an empirically accessible, meaningful sequence of this process – influences of journalists’ significant previous experiences of publicly visible audience hostility on the ways in which they cope with resulting anticipations of audience hostility in their editorial work. Based on a survey of German print journalists (n*=*323), we find hints that journalists’ significant previous experiences of publicly visible audience hostility can influence their news coverage in two ways. In line with previous research, we find that some journalists reacted to past significant incidents of publicly visible audience hostility with negative emotions and appraisals. This explains their proneness to complying with anticipated audience hostility. Other journalists took pleasure in significant previous incidents of publicly visible audience hostility and viewed them as a professional success. This explains their proneness to defying anticipated audience hostility. We discuss these findings in light of the political polarization of societies." (Abstract)
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"Fernandes considers the rise of storytelling alongside the broader shift to neoliberal, free-market economies. She argues that stories have been reconfigured to promote entrepreneurial self-making and restructured as easily digestible soundbites mobilized toward utilitarian ends. Fernandes roams th
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e globe and returns with stories from the Afghan Women's Writing Project, the domestic workers movement and the undocumented student Dreamer movement in the United States, and the Misión Cultura project in Venezuela. She shows how the conditions under which certain stories are told, the tropes through which they are narrated, and the ways in which they are responded to may actually disguise the deeper contexts of global inequality. Curated stories shift the focus away from structural problems and defuse the confrontational politics of social movements." (Back cover)
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"While there is strong continuity in the values that resisters perceive to be at stake, there are also profound changes. One important change is that media resistance increasingly has moved from the political to the personal domain. Three explanations are offered for how media resistance is sustaine
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d as a strong cultural current: media resistance is flexible and adaptable, media resistance is connected with other great narratives of hope and decline, and media resisters keep a distance from (empirical) media research." (Abstract chapter 7, page 119)
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"Consumption-Critical media practices are those practices which are either using media for criticising (certain) consumption or which are (consciously practiced) alternatives to the consumption of media technologies such as repairing, exchanging or producing durable media technologies. While the for
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mer can be found on the level of media content, the latter are practiced on the levels of production and appropriation. This article aims at conceptualizing the phenomenon ‘consumption-Critical media practices’ by analysing examples on the levels of media production, appropriation and content. Moreover, consumption-Critical media practices are discussed as political participation as they are aiming at shaping and changing society – often striving for sustainability." (Abstract)
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"The main objective of this book was to explore contemporary expressions of civic culture in Estonia by looking at civic experiences: how do young people in Estonia experience their relationship with the political, politics and fellow citizens, and how do their civic experiences intersect with media
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experiences? The participants expressed civic experiences in diverse ways. One of these forms was media criticism, which is a critical reflection on media as institutions and content, or as Carpentier (2011) puts it, “discourse machineries”. Hence, I distinguished between practices that arise out of media criticism as expressed in the material, namely the practices of critical media connectors and critical media disconnectors. Both of these groups shared critical standpoints about the media failing in their role as watchdogs and information providers." (Conclusions, page 112)
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"Media Accountability in Syria is more a question of re-defining the role of media in society than working on transparency practices or establishing self-regulation. This is due to strong state control and the mobilisation role mass media has been playing in Syria for decades. Before opening its med
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ia market for private publications in 2001 Syrian media was controlled either by the state or the ruling Baath party. Media accountability institutions like press councils or ombudspersons were simply not necessary in this concept of media and therefore do not exist. The only professional organisation, the Syrian Journalists Syndicate, did not act as a representative of independent journalists but as a representative of the regime. Additionally, as all journalists and media outlets had to work for more or less the same purpose, norms for guiding individual or organisational decisions – such as a code of ethics – were superfluous.
Although these conditions still persist in major parts of the media field, news websites have particularly contributed to a shift in society’s perception of the role of media by paving the way for media accountability practices in the field of responsiveness. Even though instruments for responsiveness might be part of an economic strategy of news websites to enter and survive the news media field, news websites have introduced an audience oriented journalism approach by providing collaborative story writing or possibilities for the audience to comment on news. This is a fundamental change in role perception as mobilising media was merely meant to serve the Baath elite and its ideas. Thus, the audience as a neglected actor of accountability seems to have entered the field.
In addition, news websites have added new topics to the traditional news agenda by taking the audience into account, and thus have contributed to holding the media accountable for aspects the old media does not cover. Thus, at least in some cases, media has played the role of being a watchdog over political decisions, which role media has never previously adopted. have particularly contributed to a shift in society’s perception of the role of media by paving the way for media accountability practices in the field of responsiveness. Even though instruments for responsiveness might be part of an economic strategy of news websites to enter and survive the news media field, news websites have introduced an audience oriented journalism approach by providing collaborative story writing or possibilities for the audience to comment on news. This is a fundamental change in role perception as mobilising media was merely meant to serve the Baath elite and its ideas. Thus, the audience as a neglected actor of accountability seems to have entered the field." (Summary)
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"Lebanon’s media has been envied for its press freedom and high quality by many Arabs from the region for decades. After 15 years of civil war the media had quickly started to flourish again. Yet, internal and external observers have been concerned about the close links between the media and polit
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ical and religious groups that have led to highly politicized journalism. There is no professional organisation that could unify journalists from the various fractions and set in force binding rules like a code of ethics. A media council does not exist, journalists unions are not involved in media accountability practices and a state’s ombudsman has never been instituted. Yet, internal accountability practices are relatively well developed. As political affiliation of media outlets is openly handled (e.g. staff is mainly recruited from each media’s particular political group, party emblems are published prominently, mission statements and ownership information are partly available), Lebanese normally know how to interpret the news. Accountability practices that were already in evidence in offline media have been adopted by the majority of websites, such as by-lines, precise references in stories and letters-to-the-editor." (Abstract)
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"Holding the news media accountable has traditionally been a task of the state in Jordan. Media laws and regulations are numerous and do not leave too much space for self-regulatory practices on a national basis. The Jordan Press Association (JPA) is the core of so-called established media accountab
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ility institutions. It conducted a law-like code of ethics in 2003 and runs ombuds committees (currently three) dealing with mishaps of the media to prevent journalists from legal liability. Though being a professional body, many journalists perceive the JPA as an extended arm of the government. Until 2010 the association was not prepared to deal with private broadcasting and online journalists in the same way as it does with press and state owned media journalists. Most media outlets in Jordan are characterised by a lack of accountability awareness and practices especially when it comes to actor and production transparency. Only recently have some news organisations (mainly net-native) become aware of their duty to be accountable towards their audiences. New comers to the field of online news, in particular, have experimented with citizens’ involvement and have established a high level of responsiveness in their newsrooms." (Summary)
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"When political elites receive unfavorable news coverage, a common strategy is to attack the source. Past research suggests that attacks on the news media increase perceptions of media bias, but it remains unclear how this occurs. Using two experiments, the author examines how attacks on the news me
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dia increase perceptions of bias. For the experiments, all participants read news articles about elected officials, but some read an attack on the source. The author also manipulated the direction of the attack (liberal or conservative bias) and its placement before or after the article. The results suggest that elite attacks increase perceptions of bias in the news source, and this occurs even when the attack is read following the article. In addition, attacks were effective when they came from politicians in both parties, suggesting that Republicans and Democrats are able to influence perceptions of bias. In conclusion, the author argues that elite attacks are likely to benefit the attackers but weaken democratic accountability." (Abstract)
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"Der Band „Mediensoziologie" präsentiert Überblicksbeiträge, die wichtige Grundbegriffe der Soziologie in Verbindung mit dem Medien-Begriff (und das heißt: als unabhängige, abhängige oder intervenierende Größe) erörtern. Die Einbindung von Medien in eine soziologische Perspektive erfolgt
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jeweils durch die Vorgabe eines relevanten Verbindungsglieds, z. B. soziale Ungleichheit, Macht, soziale Konflikte oder Identität. Der Anspruch des vorliegenden Bandes ist die konsequente Zusammenführung von Medien und Gesellschaft. Es soll verdeutlicht werden, dass die moderne Gesellschaft und die Existenz von Massenmedien und -kommunikation eng miteinander verflochten sind, in diesem Kontext wird zugleich die Bedeutung neuer Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologien hervorgehoben." (Back cover)
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"Culture Jamming ist „Anti-Werbung“ – eine mentale Umweltschutzbewegung, die gegen einen Dauerbeschuss mit 4.000 Werbebotschaften täglich kämpft. Es ist eine subversive Methode, die sich der elaborierten Techniken der Werbebranche bedient, um die Strategie der Markenkommunikation zu durchkre
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uzen, die Konsumkultur zu blockieren und eine verbraucherorientierte Gegenöffentlichkeit zu schaffen. Die Aktivisten dieser Bewegung sind die Adbusters (ad: advertisement, Werbung; to bust: auffliegen lassen). Adbusting ist die von Kalle Lasn begründete, praktische Umsetzung des Culture-Jamming-Gedankens: die Untergrabung der Werbeindustrie mit ihren eigenen Mitteln. Werbespots und Plakate, die die Sprache der Werbeindustrie perfekt beherrschen, ihre Semantik jedoch komplett umkehren, sind der virtuelle Sprengstoff der Culture-Jamming-Bewegung. Gegründet in Kanada, ist diese Art der Globalisierungskritik nicht nur in den USA, sondern längst auch in Europa bekannt, aktiv und erfolgreich. Culture Jamming ist ein Pamphlet gegen die Global Players." (Klappentext)
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