"A suggestion by Government to introduce a minimum wage has the potential to ensure that journalists are paid a living wage, making it feasible to start an open conversation about the ethical implications of accepting blalizo [a “transport refund” issued to journalists by the organisers of event
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s and news conferences seeking coverage]. Once that conversation has begun in earnest, a secondary conversation can begin about industry support for eradicating blalizo. Ending the payment entirely may prevent bad actors from abusing the job title for personal gain. But Government and the industry itself will need to undertake a serious nationwide consultation to understand the full implications of all policies before they are implemented, however well intentioned. In the meantime, untrained radio volunteers should be provided with free learning opportunities to ensure they are exposed to industry ethics and norms, and understand the pitfalls and possibilities of the work journalists undertake. I believe it is possible for the media to self-regulate to ensure its freedom from government control, but it will require all outlets to come together – including government-funded outlets. Once this happens, a further conversation can begin about the principles we plan to uphold nationally, the routes to complaint and remedy, and the implications for those found wanting." (Conclusion)
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"Although extensive research has been conducted into the role of the media in fighting corruption, media organisations and journalists themselves are not immune to it. The issue of corruption in the media remains understudied and has thus far mainly focused on case-studies of specific countries char
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acterised by corruption as a core societal characteristic, as well as of under-developed and developing countries. This study focuses on the issue of media corruption in Europe, based on a comparative analysis between countries of the South and North, investigating the impact of the global economic crisis on media corruption. The research presents clear evidence of increased indications of media corruption in the North of Europe in comparison to the media systems of the European South, the area most affected by the global economic crisis." (Abstract)
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"Central Asia has been generally omitted from most academic debates, including those on the causes and consequences of widespread plagiarism and copy-and-paste behaviour among journalists. In this article I address this problem by interviewing working journalists from Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikis
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tan and Uzbekistan. The article argues that plagiarism in journalism is not only thriving but also encouraged by a variety of mechanisms, such as the distribution of “ready-to-publish” media content by government press secretaries and encouragement for journalists to simply “add your name” to these materials. It finds that some journalists are proud of the fact that others plagiarise their work, saying “it indicates we are doing a superior job”, which in turn encourages further copyright breaches within the profession. This is significant, because students and early career journalists may witness such practices and conclude that plagiarism is a norm and that is how it should be, thus creating a false “model of excellence” for future journalists and the public. The results are also discussed in relation to agenda-setting theory, whereby governments predominantly control media outlets. In such a context, the public may end up only having access to news that is subsidised and approved by their governments." (Abstract)
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"This article discusses the habit of politicians paying journalists per diem rates in exchange for media coverage. Although bribery and money incentives have been studied as practices that compromise the ethics of journalism in several African countries, this paper researches Guinea-Bissau as an exa
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mple and establishes a distinction. Unlike bribery, the widespread payment of these stipends is legal, but it is chronically damaging for freedom of expression and professional integrity. Drawing on interviews, focus groups and ethnographic observation with professionals from national, local and community media, this paper documents the precarious state of journalism in Guinea-Bissau, particularly the sector's acute lack of financial resources and meagre wages. News sources, and dominantly the government and parties, organise multiple events, attracting coverage in exchange for remuneration. Accepting these payments is, for many journalists, the only possible mode of subsisting, despite compromising their independence. News coverage is consequently saturated with propaganda, and forms of investigative journalism are rare. This article argues that the payment of per diem rates, accepted as legitimate and common practice in several other countries, has led to a pervasive control of journalism." (Abstract)
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"The issue of soli (Soli is a Ghanaian journalistic parlance referring to the practice where journalists accept money or other forms of gifts as sitting allowance after covering an event.) or content-influencing gifts and its relations to the professional practice of journalist and other media worke
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rs has become a subject of discussion among academic researchers and general audiences. It is against this background that this article examines media practitioners’ understanding of the culture and moral implications of soli and its effects on professional journalism in the northern region of Ghana. Using qualitative approaches, the study revealed that in Ghana, soli is both a moral and cultural problem, and when accepted, it undermines objective, balanced, and independent news reportage. This project concludes that any discourse on soli must take into consideration the cultural and philosophical foundations of journalism within a developmental context, as well as the various global socio-cultural institutions Ghanaians are exposed to." (Abstract)
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"From a normative standpoint the media are usually seen as one of the pillars of a national integrity system, entrusted with the tasks of exposing and preventing acts of corruption and educating the public of the harm caused by corruption. Nevertheless, corruption continues to be one of the most sig
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nificant challenges that Europe faces, undermining citizens' trust in democratic institutions and weakening the accountability of political leadership. Evidence suggests that in fragile EU democracies such as Bulgaria, despite more than eight years of full membership and numerous preventive measures, corruption is rife and the press is hardly capable of exposing abuses of power or authority. On the contrary - drawing on in-depth interviews with 35 Bulgarian journalists - this paper argues that since communism collapsed in the late 1980s the media in post-communist societies such as Bulgaria has gradually become an instrument to promote and defend private vested interests, and is plagued by corruption. Senior journalists and editors cast serious doubt over the ability of the post-communist free press and journalism to act as a watchdog for society." (Abstract)
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"The volume digs beneath the standardised and universalised veneer of professionalism to unpack routine practices and normative trends shaped by local factors, including the structural conditions of deprivation, entrenched political instability (and interference), pervasive neo-patrimonial governanc
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e systems, and the influences of technological developments. These varied and complex circumstances are shown to profoundly shape the foundations of journalism in Africa, resulting in routine practices that are both normatively distinct and equally in tune with (imported) Western journalistic cultures. The book thus broadly points to the dialectical nature of news production and the inconsistent and contradictory relationships that characterise news production cultures in Africa." (Publisher description)
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"Joseph Okania fait ici l'autopsie, voire une intervention chirurgicale, de ce mal récurrent qu'est l'amateurisme de nos journalistes, lequel, bien que décrié par tous, gangrène le corps de la presse congolaise, rives droite et gauche confondues. Après une immersion complète et une laborieuse
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investigation de l'intérieur de nos médias l'ayant conduit à cerner puis débusquer ces monumentales inepties qui essaiment l'espace médiatique des deux Congos, l'auteur nous livre ses mots et ses expressions, dans une langue de très belle facture littéraire. Sans esprit réducteur et polémiste pour son objectif qui se veut d'abord être un cri d'alarme, il appelle les journalistes des deux Congos au ressaisissement, en vue de redorer le blason terni de cette noble corporation et ainsi de redonner à la presse congolaise ses lettres de noblesse." (Dos de couverture)
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"The development of free, independent, and sustainable news media in Africa is bedevilled by the “brown envelope syndrome,” the widespread practice of accepting money for news coverage. This paper reveals the pernicious effects the brown envelope syndrome has on African journalism and its abilit
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y to function as a sustainable, democratic tool for nation-building. To curtail the brown envelope, a model to develop an institutional infrastructure for professional journalism is proposed. The model provides a collaborative framework for media and non-media actors (i.e. government, non-government organisations, and foundations) to strengthen the professionalism of journalism work through: higher education programmes that teach professional values and reveal damaging practices, professional associations that define and advocate journalism values that inform practices, and professional news management that incentivises and rewards best practices." (Abstract)
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"While scholarly inquiries into the coverage of climate change in Africa are growing, there appears to be a dearth of studies focusing on how the political economy shapes the coverage. This qualitative study addresses this gap by exploring how vested interests, corruption and declining advertising r
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evenue among other factors affect climate change news in Nigeria. The findings of this study - which draws on interviews with journalism professionals undertaken in Lagos in 2013 - suggest that media owners, editors and even climate change reporters have different interests to protect, all of which influence climate change reportage. The study concludes that in order to get their stories published, ethical climate change reporters might need to find creative ways of making their stories meaningful without hurting the interests that appear to frustrate the reporting of the phenomenon. The issues examined in this study provide a research-based framework for the analysis of the political economy of climate change reporting in Nigeria." (Abstract)
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"This report, which has been produced by a group of distinguished journalists and their supporters, examines the broad scope of the crisis. It covers countries where media are on the frontline of tough political battles, such as Egypt and Turkey. In Ukraine, for instance, the practice of paid-for jo
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urnalism is a tool routinely used by politicians at election time. The same is true in India. In other countries, including Nigeria, Philippines, and Colombia the precarious working conditions of news staff provide fertile conditions for corruption and “brown envelopes” or under-the-table cash payments to reporters and editors which are a routine feature of journalistic work. The struggles facing journalists in settled democracies, such as the United Kingdom and Denmark, are less brazen, but no less challenging and in a range of countries across the Western Balkans with a shared and painful history, media corruption hinders aspirations to break free from the legacy of war, censorship and political control during decades of communist rule. The story is of an uphill struggle. Everywhere there is a crisis of confidence inside newsrooms caused by crumbling levels of commitment to ethics, a lowering of the status of journalistic work and a pervasive lack of transparency over advertising, ownership and corporate and political affiliations. Government control over lucrative state advertising, which is often allocated to media according to their political bias, remains widespread. At the same time, the elimination in most countries of the invisible wall separating editorial and advertising has created a surge of so-called “native advertising,” hidden advertorials and paid-for journalism. It was this conflict of interest that plunged the crisis-prone UK press into a new bout of handwringing in February 2015 when Peter Oborne, a leading political journalist, quit his job at the Daily Telegraph accusing the management of censoring stories about HSBC bank, a leading advertiser caught up in a tax scandal. These reports tell essentially the same story of deep cuts in editorial investment, undue pressure on newsrooms, and media increasingly dependent upon atypical models of ownership in which media have become the trophy possessions of powerful figures and institutions in pursuit of wider corporate and political objectives." (Introduction, page iii-iv)
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"This book is an attempt to address obstacles to a democratic development of media systems in the countries of South East Europe by mapping patterns of corrupt relations and practices in media policy development, media ownership and financing, public service broadcasting, and journalism as a profess
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ion. It introduces the concept of media integrity to denote the public-service values of media and journalism. In analyzing the current situation of the media, the focus was on the assessment of factors that have been identified as posing a risk to media integrity, with an overview of past developments if relevant for understanding the current situation. Five countries were covered by the research presented in this book: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia and Serbia." (Introduction)
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"In developing countries, the media is often confronted by a combination of factors that create fertile grounds for corruption, such as lack of training and technical skills, low professional standards, limited financial resources, opaque or government controlled ownership structures, inadequate and
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undemocratic legal frameworks. Types of corruption in the media vary from bribery in the form of cash for news, staged or fake news, gift giving, concealed advertisement to nepotism and capture by vested private or political interests. Fighting corruption in the media can involve a wide range of approaches, varying from raising awareness of ethical standards, strengthening the freedom of the press, introducing adequate media policies and legislation, promoting media accountability as well as supporting investigative journalism through technical training." (Summary)
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"This study used in-depth interviews to investigate the conditions of service and welfare of journalists in Malawi. It found that while the Media Council of Malawi code of professional ethics and standards and in-house policies expected the best out the journalists, the majority of the journalists,
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mostly junior reporters, were grossly underpaid; far below the monthly living wage. It also found that dejection, fatalism, and individualism pervade journalists so much so that some of them seemed resigned to their status quo. Media owners seemed unwilling to engage in any debate about their journalist employees’ welfare. The study concludes that under such circumstances, many Malawian journalists were likely to be tempted to take bribes and engage in other forms of corruption as coping mechanisms." (Abstract)
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"Focusing on politician-businessperson-owned (PBO) newspapers, the study examined how loyalty to the owners’ multiple interests has reduced the professional elbowroom of the Nigerian journalist. Through in-depth interviews and textual analysis, the study found that journalists in PBO newspapers ar
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e extremely constrained on the kind of stories they write and how. Caught in the conflict between professionalism and pandering to the owners’ layers of political and economic interests, many journalists submit, while some rebel. The narrowed elbowroom is a reason for many of the ethical violations among Nigerian journalists." (Abstract)
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"Bribery for news coverage has a negative impact on the credibility of media; it also restricts the free flow of information and violates the public's right to know. Further, research showed that there exists considerable inequality among countries in terms of the extent to which bribery for news co
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verage exists in media system. This study provides the first quantitative cross-national assessment of a set of predictors of the likelihood that bribery for news coverage exists in a country's media system and tested competing arguments derived from the literature. Data of this study are drawn from 66 nation states. The analysis shows that 5 groups of political, economic, cultural, educational, and technological variables have direct or indirect impacts on a country's media bribery level. The interactions between these variables are also analyzed. The study concludes by discussing how analyses of the nature of the international media bribery problem contribute to finding multiple approaches to solutions to this problem." (Abstract)
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"With all the organized efforts to support media development and defend press freedom around the world, there has been remarkably little done in any concerted way to reduce the problem of corrupt journalism", states this report. Ristow proposes that international journalism organizations should issu
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e regular reports documenting instances in which journalists have received, or extorted, payment for news as a clear sign of acknowledging this "dark side" of the profession and take the lead in documenting, and publicizing, the pay levels of journalists around the world. Media development organizations should sharpen their focus on ethics training and support the creation and nurture of media accountability systems such as ombudsmen. News media owners, managers, and editors should adopt, publicize, and then stick to a firm policy of zero tolerance for any form of cash for news coverage - from simple "facilitation" payments to reporters to paid ads masquerading as objective news -, review pay policies and take the initiative in creating accountability systems on their own." (commbox)
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