"1. Political parties and their supporters should concentrate more on issues-based campaign messages than hate campaign messages capable of demeaning personalities, religious/ethnic beliefs as well as ethnicity. 2. Political parties and their candidates should focus more on issue of importance to na
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tional development than mere image projection. 3. The Independent Electoral Commission (INEC), political parties, civil society groups and other stakeholders should promote media and information literacy to enable better deployment of user generated contents that foster democracy and the democratization process. 4. Political parties and candidates should optimise the numerous opportunities (of cost-effectiveness, reach, immediacy, citizens’ engagement, etc.) offered by the rising popularity of new media. 5. Continuous voter education is crucial for the citizens to be more critical in the electoral choices [...]" (Conclusions and recommendations, page 6-7)
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"A sub-text in the discourse on international development assistance is the argument that aid is not necessarily a beneficent, or sustainable, solution to the development needs of African countries. This argument raises a conceptual conundrum with respect to the many training programmes and fellowsh
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ips designed to address the skills deficits of journalists and media in Africa. While the necessity and value of such interventions may be taken for granted, a counterintuitive question arises about the extent to which beneficiaries are able nonetheless to act independently. This study sought to find out the extent to which capacity-building assistance to journalists in Ghana may have fostered or inhibited their independent practice. Individual interviews were conducted with 24 journalists to ascertain their experiences with such programmes and their subsequent dispositions towards the host country or agency. The findings showed that underlying the manifest objectives of building the capacities of beneficiaries was the implicit intent of the aid country of origin to use the media as agents of economic and cultural diplomacy. The consequent prospect of compromising the journalistic autonomy of beneficiaries of training aid brings into question their capacity to contribute to sustainable development in Ghana." (Abstract)
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"China’s footprint in Africa’s media sector over the last decade has reached dimensions that make it impossible to go unnoticed. In South Africa, one of the countries where this imprint is most diversified, Chinese media have been engaged in a varied range of activities, including content produc
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tion and distribution, infrastructure development, direct investment in local media and training of journalists. Building on previous exploratory studies by the authors, this paper addresses an unresolved question in the study of China’s media internationalization: the impact on journalism. Using data from 20 semi-structured in-depth interviews with editors, journalists and policy makers, we investigate how much influence Chinese media exercise on journalism in South Africa. We present responses along three dimensions: consumption of and attitudes towards Chinese media, impact on local journalism and views about South Africa–China relations. Our data offer evidence that, despite having substantially increased their presence, Chinese media are far from having a profound impact on media professionals. While some interviewees report the adoption of some Chinese media in their daily news consumption, scepticism towards China, and by extension its media, dominates. We discuss these findings in the context of Chinese state-owned media’s attempts to increase their discursive power globally." (Abstract)
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"This thesis explores how and why global Theatre for Development (TfD) partnerships fail to enable greater equity and interconnectedness between Northern and Southern actors. Building global partnerships is at the core of achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). However, Northern developm
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ent actors dominate these relationships. To establish why this is the case, the thesis brings together literature on global development, postcolonialism and TfD to demonstrate the current limitations on establishing equitable partnerships. The thesis draws on primary data collected through semi-structured interviews with UK and Kenyan TfD actors, autoethnographic reflections on TfD practice and participant observation.
The study focuses on three key issues that shape partnerships: funding, knowledge and expertise and temporal and spatial dimensions. First, funding for projects is primarily provided by Northern development actors, framing the terms of partnerships and dictating their form, extent and limits. Second, the knowledge and expertise employed in shaping TfD projects is often seen as lying disproportionately with Northern partners, who are thought to bring ‘global’ perspectives to such work. Conversely, partners in the South are seen as possessing ‘local’ knowledge which is deployed primarily to help facilitate and legitimate the interventions of external practitioners. Third, spatial and temporal aspects further impact on partnerships: UK actors are perceived as more mobile and dynamic than their Southern partners, with access to international networks. Southern partners are routinely represented as embedded, statically, in their immediate local contexts. Furthermore, short-term timescales prevent TfD actors from providing the commitment that building more equitable, interconnected partnerships requires.
A key finding is that both Northern and Southern actors create and reinforce these ongoing problems in partnerships. However, they are also able to resist and challenge the unequal terms of their relationships. The thesis demonstrates how networks are emerging with the potential for developing more equitable relationships. It reveals the agency of Southern actors to adapt externally funded projects to meet with their own motivations and contexts. The study concludes by suggesting that future TfD partnerships must recognise and facilitate the participative agency of all involved." (Abstract)
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"Drawing on more than 100 in-depth interviews with journalists and aid agency press officers, participant observations at the Guardian, BBC and Save the Children UK, as well as the ordinary people who created the words and pictures that framed these disasters, this book reveals how humanitarian disa
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sters are covered in the 21st century – and the potential consequences for those who posted a tweet, a video or photo, without ever realising how far it would go." (Publisher description)
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"Domestic journalists covering Kenya’s 2013 General Election worked in an exceptionally challenging media environment; one which was significantly shaped by the 2007 election and post-election violence (PEV). Rooted in literature on peace journalism (PJ), we examine how the PEV of Kenya’s 2007 p
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residential elections informed and shaped journalists’ practice around the 2013 Kenyan General Election. The article is based on qualitative interviews with 16 Kenyan print journalists and editors at the Daily Nation and Standard newspapers as well as interviews with 6 Kenyan media specialists. Our analysis finds the 2007 PEV significantly constrained journalistic practice in three ways: first, journalists witnessed violence in 2007 which anchored their 2013 coverage; second, interviewees felt a ‘collective guilt’ at journalism’s failure to provide responsible coverage in 2007 creating a ‘culture of restraint’ and third, journalists felt compelled to ‘sanitize’ potentially inflammatory language creating a tension between journalists’ duty to inform and strong desire to avoid contributing to conflict. This article concludes by siding with a growing critical chorus of PJ scholars critiquing its often “individualist” approach and calling for greater attention towards structural factors such as perceived social constraints when conceptualizing and theorizing the agency of journalists working in post conflict environments." (Abstract)
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"This study discusses how and in what ways activist citizen journalists in Turkey develop safety tactics against the repressive strategies of a neoliberal authoritarian government. By drawing on the theories of alternative new media and citizen journalism, we conducted interviews with activist citiz
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en journalists, proponents of citizen journalism initiatives, and representatives of two related organizations (TGS-Turkish Journalists’ Union and RSF-Reporters sans Frontières) to analyze their awareness and susceptibility concerning journalism safety. In short, we claim that neither our interviewees nor representatives of the involved organizations have high levels of awareness and sensitivity concerning safety. Still our interviewees are under the protection of a circle of safety thanks to networks of solidarity. We believe that to promote efforts to strengthen the relationship between media and democracy in the future, studies focusing on the safety of citizen journalists are crucial." (Abstract)
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"In this article, media coverage of the Farm Input Subsidy Programme (FISP) in Malawi as was reported in the Weekend Nation newspaper between 2005 and 2012 is examined from a critical political economy perspective. The FISP aimed at subsidising inputs for low income rural farmers. The Weekend Nation
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, a political weekly, was established by a key politician during the advent of democracy in 1995. Through institutional in-depth interviews and qualitative content analysis of editorials and opinion columns, the paper finds that overall, the political ownership of the newspaper had no bearing on editorial content on the issue of the FISP policy. This suggests that the coverage of a critical agricultural policy concerning, to a great extent, rural livelihoods of Malawi, was presented independently without political ownership influence." (Abstract)
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"Journalists continue to face imprisonment for practicing their profession in ways that antagonize regimes, militaries, oligarchs, and other powerful interests. What do journalists do after their release from prison? Do they resume their professional work in their home country or in exile? How do th
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ey cope psychologically? And how does the prison experience reshape their approach to journalism and views on the journalistic mission? To help answer those questions, I interviewed eight journalists who’d been jailed for periods of two weeks to more than two years by some of the world’s most repressitarian regimes—Azerbaijan, Cameroon, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Iran, the Soviet Union, and Syria. Each journalist has a unique tale to tell, but common threads emerge from their interviews." (Abstract)
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"In South Sudan, media capture, media market and audience segmentation are driven by: the ongoing civil conflict (since 2013), ethnic and linguistic divisions, a lack of rule of law, the legacy of clientelistic networks in the media and the government, a stark urban-rural divide, and a lack of infra
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structure and funding that could support sustainable media development. In Tanzania, media capture, and media market and audience segmentation are driven by: the dominance of the CCM that enables the government to establish a legal framework to restrict freedom of the press, stark rural-urban and ZanzibarMainland divides, and a lack of local and community media in rural areas due to poor infrastructure and a lack of managerial skills. In Bangladesh, media capture, media market and audience segmentation are driven by: the political polarisation of the media and journalists’ unions between the dominant AL and BNP political parties, the combination of political polarisation and low journalistic professionalism preventing politically unbiased reporting, and connections between corporate media owners and political elites that lead to politically-motivated corporate media strategies. In South Africa, media capture, media market and audience segregations are driven by: the lack of sustainable funding available to independent media outlets, prohibitive costs limiting their readership to the economic elite, and the dominance of the (politically controlled) SABC as the only source of media catering to lower-income segments of the population." (Executive summary, page vi-vii)
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"How does donor funding affect the independence, role perceptions, and ideology of the journalism it supports? We begin to answer this increasingly important but underresearched question with a year-long case study of the humanitarian news organisation IRIN as it transitioned from being funded by th
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e United Nations to a private foundation, run by a Malaysian billionaire. Using content analysis, in-depth interviews, and ethnographic research, we document the changes that occurred in IRIN’s outputs, target audience, and public service values, and the complex interplay of influences that produced these changes. We find that, in this case, donor power operated entirely indirectly and always in concert with the dominant professional values within IRIN. In doing so, this case study highlights the importance of journalistic agency and contextual variables in the journalist–donor relationship, as well as the potential significance of contradictory dynamics. We also use this case to test whether Benson, Hessérus and Sedel’s model of media owner power can help to explain the workings of donor power." (Abstract)
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"This study assesses the role and impact of this local radio station network as well as its sustainability prospects, focusing on four pillars of sustainability in particular: Financial sustainability: at a minimum, radio stations need to be able to support their activities, and ideally enjoy some s
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urplus for innovation. Organizational sustainability: radio stations need to have access to a level of professionalism and resources that allow it to produce and present programs of reasonable quality. Political and cultural sustainability: radio stations need to be politically enabled to perform their activities, to do so in safety, and to enjoy the support of the communities within their broadcast area. Audience sustainability: radio stations need to be able to reach a sizeable audience, and to meet this audience’s information needs and expectations. To this end, in-depth interviews with key stakeholders in the Internews/Salam Watandar story as well as those involved in media operations at the central Kabul level were combined with 10 in-depth case studies from the research sample of 30 provincial Internews-established, full Salam Watandar-partner stations. 20 in-depth interviews by phone with the remaining sample stations were added to this." (Executive summary)
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"The structural conditions of journalism are shaped by legacies of the past (marked by non-democratic regimes and sometimes colonial rule) and persisting power structures. The state and powerful political actors are perceived to play an important role in the media sector, mirrored in different forms
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of political interference directed at newsrooms and individual journalists in the way of repressive legal frameworks, political ownership and advertising, economic censorship and blackmail, as well as threats directed at the physical and psychological safety of journalists. Journalists perceive the relationship between different communities in society to be reflected in the constitution of and atmosphere among newsroom staff. Even though journalists operate in a more liberal environment than under autocratic rule in Kenya, Serbia and South Africa, media privatisation has created new dependencies and pressures: Against the background of profit-making pressures in capitalist and highly commercialised media markets, journalists claim to work under precarious working conditions, marked by time constraints due to short-staffed newsroom and juniorisation, high professional insecurity and poor salaries arguably making journalists vulnerable to bribery and corruption. Challenges relating to journalistic professionalism also translate into insufficient training on conflict-sensitive reporting and safety measures for journalists reporting on conflicts, low professional organisation and self-regulation, as well as a lack of professional solidarity and prestige." (Executive summary)
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"This paper aims to understand the motivations, decision-making processes, and missions of the producers of new Cuban media using interviews with journalists recruited from the wider group of twenty non-governmental publications. In ten semi-structured interviews, participants described their person
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al and professional motivations and their understandings of the missions of their publications. Through conversations with participants, I also investigated the problem of operating media on the margins of legality in Cuba, and how this influences decisions about management, agenda setting and news coverage. Ultimately, the visions of new media producers about what they are doing and why they are doing it sometimes overlap, and at other times, contradict one another. However, to understand Cuba’s emerging new media landscape, it is important to understand the plurality of visions among the risk-taking innovators who produce new media content for Cuban citizens. I interviewed ten individual producers working for independent new media publications in the spring of 2017." (Methodology, page 5)
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"This research looks at the information needed by in-country development stakeholders with an emphasis on accountability actors including civil society organizations, charities, government workers, and the media. To collect this information, semi-structured interviews were conducted in Sierra Leone
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and Liberia. The majority of interviewees wanted information about financial resources and the channels they flowed through, and all respondents wanted information on the services provided and where the work was happening subnationally, suggesting that these two sets of information may be the most important. Unfortunately, information on subnational locations and services provided is infrequently available through open aid data portals, implying a need to update what aid information is shared." (Page 1)
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"Sector income has increased significantly since the last census was conducted in 2011-2012. Community radio stations collectively generated $103,533,154, including CBF grants, in the 2015-2016 financial year. This represents an increase of 41%, or $30,143,206, over the last four years. While it is
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important to note that the inclusion of 57 temporary community broadcast license holders in the sample has contributed to the increase in total income generated by the sector, as these stations reported significantly lower average income per station than permanent community broadcast license holders the effect is not significant. Income growth was strongest across regional and metropolitan stations, with these stations reporting total income 84% and 47% higher than four years ago respectively. Rural stations also grew, while suburban stations reported income lower than in 2011-2012. Youth stations experienced the most significant growth since the last Census, with income growing by 125% between 2011-2012 and 2015-2016. Significant increases in total income were also reported by religious stations, who reported income 82% higher than in 2011-2012." (Page 8)
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"Migori County is listed by the National Commission on Integration and Cohesion as a political violence hotspot. The aim of this study was to examine the role of community radio programming in peace promotion during political campaigns in Migori. The objectives of the study were: To establish the ty
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pes of programmes Milambo Radio 103.8 FM, Radio Tarumbeta 90.4 FM and Radio Rameny 88.3 FM have designed for promoting peaceful political campaigns in Migori County; to determine the extent to which such programmes are used to promote peaceful political campaigns and to explore strategies through which community radio programming may be made more effective in promoting peaceful political campaigns. This qualitative case study enlisted twenty one participants. Face-to-face interviews, focus group discussions and document analysis supplied qualitative data, whose analysis has been done in tandem with the research questions. The research was underpinned by the Agenda Setting Theory (Shaw, 1979) and supported by the Media Effects Theory (Perse, 2000). The study confirms that whereas community radio stations in Migori County have a huge potential to propagate and mobilize for peace during political campaigns, this potential is not sufficiently exploited. It is recommended that strategic radio programming for peace should be enhanced to enable community radio stations in Migori County forestall campaign violence in the run-up to the general elections of 2017." (Abstract)
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"[...] This thesis contributes to the emerging academic literature on media development and its role in statebuilding. It does so by investigating media development in the new state of South Sudan. Ethnographic observations, a social survey, and unstructured interviews have been applied during a fie
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ldwork spell in Juba, which lasted from November 2014 to August 2015. The application of three methods allowed for an in-depth investigation of the South Sudanese understanding of media, which differed significantly from the aims of western media experts implementing media development projects. Furthermore, the thesis compares the strengths and weaknesses, and the results delivered, by each utilised research method, and thus investigates how these methods perform in a country of the global South. I argue that the various understandings of media in South Sudan differ significantly from the thinking and practices of western media practitioners. In South Sudan, this resulted in a deteriorating relationship between the country’s government and its international donors and led to problems for the newly trained journalists. Furthermore, my results show the limitations of using just one method in a country of the global South; and they provide an argument for bricolage, a research approach that combines perspectives, theories, and methods, when researching policy-relevant questions in environments where the researcher is not a cultural native." (Abstract)
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"Funded by DFID, under the Global Grant project, BBC Media Action produced three seasons of the weekly TV and radio programme Sema Kenya (Kenya Speaks). Sema Kenya featured a moderated discussion between a live panel of officials and an audience of ‘ordinary’ Kenyans and was designed to enable i
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ndividuals, communities and governments to be better informed and more engaged in tackling governance challenges. Alongside this, BBC Media Action delivered a mentoring programme, initially with six local radio stations, and later with the national broadcaster Kenya Broadcasting Corporation (KBC), which has the largest footprint in the country. Through this work, BBC Media Action aimed to strengthen the capacity of Kenya’s media sector to produce governance programming that supported and mainstreamed the overall objectives of the project at both the local and national level. [...] Sema Kenya contributed to people being more informed about and engaged in politics. Audiences were more knowledgeable about politics, discussed it more with friends and family, felt more confident in their ability to influence political processes and participated more in governance related activities (particularly at the community level) – all factors that support bottom-up accountability. Audiences themselves linked Sema Kenya with these outcomes. This finding was validated by analysis confirming a significant positive relationship between watching or listening to Sema Kenya and consistently higher knowledge, discussion and confidence to engage in politics, even when taking into account other factors that might influence these outcomes (such as education, age and interest in politics). While Sema Kenya’s audience was more likely to participate in politics, qualitative research respondents rarely attributed their actions directly to what they had heard on Sema Kenya. This reflects findings from advanced quantitative analysis (structural equation modelling) that suggests the link between Sema Kenya and increased political participation is indirect and mediated by political knowledge, discussion and self-efficacy. Supported by an extensive network of broadcast partners that stretched across all 47 counties in Kenya, the discussion programme reached an estimated 12.7 million people over three seasons, with a peak audience of 5.7 million in 2013 – the year of the general election. The show also maintained a loyal audience throughout all three seasons, with around half of all those reached annually tuning in for at least every second episode." (Executive summary, pages 6-7)
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