"As in previous years, the BTI 2022 has identified considerable regression worldwide with regard to trans-formation processes. The guiding principles of democracy and the market economy have been subjected to intense pressure and are being challenged by corrupt elites, illiberal populism and authori
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tarian rule. For the first time, the Transformation Index lists more authoritarian states than democratic states. At no time in the last 20 years has the BTI assessed levels of socioeconomic development and economic performance as being so low. The quality of government performance has also continued to decline, particularly with respect to the consensus-related aspects of governance." (Introduction)
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"Der Atlas stellt anhand von Texten, Grafiken und Illustrationen die wichtigsten Ereignisse und Protagonisten der sozialen und politischen Umbrüche in der arabischen Welt vor. Er beleuchtet speziell auch die regionalen wie globalen Auswirkungen. Dabei kommen ganz wesentlich Journalisten und Wissens
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chaftler aus den jeweiligen Ländern zu Wort." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"El presente volumen recoge diferentes enfoques teóricos y metodológicos sobre las memorias, transiciones políticas e identidades en Alemania, Argentina y España, buscando establecer comparaciones y puntos de convergencia en sociedades signadas durante el siglo XX por regímenes políticos autor
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itarios y procesos de democratización paradigmáticos. Privilegia la reflexión a partir de fuentes orales, indagación en archivos, sitios de memoria y otros documentos como representaciones literarias y cinematográficas." (Descripción de la casa editorial)
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"Why has the US so dramatically failed in Afghanistan since 2001? Dominant explanations have ignored the bureaucratic divisions and personality conflicts inside the US state. This book rectifies this weakness in commentary on Afghanistan by exploring the significant role of these divisions in the US
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’s difficulties in the country that meant the battle was virtually lost before it even began. The main objective of the book is to deepen readers’ understanding of the impact of bureaucratic politics on nation-building in Afghanistan, focusing primarily on the Bush administration. It rejects the ‘rational actor’ model, according to which the US functions as a coherent, monolithic agent. Instead, internal divisions within the foreign policy bureaucracy are explored, to build up a picture of the internal tensions and contradictions that bedevilled US nation-building efforts. The book also contributes to the vexed issue of whether or not the US should engage in nation-building at all, and if so under what conditions." (Publisher description)
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"Using South Africa as a case study, this article presents a new argument for an adaptation of the Comparative Media Systems Model by Hallin and Mancini. The article proposes that factors of race, class and gender and intersections hereof as well as nation-building be added to the model to better su
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it the analysis of media development in post-Colonial societies. The article looks at media development in societies that have undergone social and political transitions since the late 1980s and early 1990s and highlights differences between transitional societies and young democracies in Eastern Europe and East Asia vis-a-vis transitions in post-Colonial societies in the global South." (Abstract)
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"Serbian media assistance programs reflect two approaches to media development. Though they occasionally created friction, the differing approaches produced positive results. The goal of USAID’s Office of Transition Initiatives (USAID/OTI) was to fund programs and media outlets that could dissemin
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ate messages pushing immediate political change. USAID/OTI characterized its activities as “pushing the reform agenda.” This approach contrasted with but complemented that of USAID’s Bureau for Europe and Eurasia (USAID/E&E), which supported long-term, sustainable media development projects. While USAID/E&E’s projects contributed to the short-term goal of regime change in Serbia, they were also designed to aid the democratic transition that followed. Despite—or perhaps because of—this dynamic tension, the overall USAID program was very successful. Democratic elements in Serbia received— and still have—the media tools to effect democratic change. NGOs, media outlets, and democratic activists also received the topical programs and emergency infusions funded by USAID/OTI and USAID/E&E. Two years after the fall of Milosevic, personnel and basic media infrastructure remain in place to serve the ongoing democratic transition and broaden coverage of issues in public discourse." (Executive summary, page xi-xii)
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"Grundlage der Studie sind Repräsentativ-Umfragen in zehn postkommunistischen Ländern - von der Ex-DDR bis zur Ukraine -, die im Zeitraum November 1997 bis März 1998 durchgeführt wurden. Ergebnis: Einerseits versteht sich ein großer Teil der postkommunistischen Gesellschaft als nichtreligiös u
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nd nichtkonfessionsgebunden, andererseits sind - mit Ausnahme der Ex-DDR, Tschechiens und der Ukraine - die formellen Kirchenmitglieder überall in der Mehrheit. Zudem hat im Vergleich zu Umfragen unmittelbar nach der "Wende" (1990/91) in den meisten Reformstaaten das Vertrauen in die christlichen Kirchen zugenommen. Der erste Band (1999) umfasste Ungarn, Litauen und Slowenien, der zweite Band (2001) Polen, Kroatien und Tschechien, der dritte Band (2002) behandelt die Länder Rumänien, Ukraine und Slowakei." (Kathpress Tagesdienst 25./26.1.1999)
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