"Most of Japan's civil society assistance targets media. JICA's policy guideline on peace-building assistance regards media assistance as one of the target categories of Japan's democracy assistance (Japanese International Cooperation Agency JICA, 2009). The International Peace Cooperation Council (
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Kokusai Heiwa Kyoryoku Kondankai), which was established within the Cabinet Office. recommended boosting Japan's media assistance in its report published in December 2002 (Council on International Peace Cooperation 2002, 42). Japan has assisted media through grants, technical assistance, expert dispatch, expert training, and the provision of materials related to broadcasting (JICA 20046, 50). Japan has provided media assistance mainly to TV and radio stations. According to Masakazu Sakashita (2006, 122), 127 TV media assistance projects and 56 radio assistance projects had been conducted by September 2005, while Japan has never provided media assistance to print media such as newspapers and magazines. This is because Japan regards telecommunication and broadcasting technology as its comparative advantage and thus focuses on those projects that require it. Indeed, the chief characteristic of Japan's media assistance is that it focuses on facilities such as information and telecommunication networks instead of media content. Project contents include the improvement of production capacity and broadcasting skills, repair of ground communication systems, and provision of studio equipment. Seminars are provided to teach how to use and maintain the equipment provided through such projects as well (JICA 20046, 50). Expert training has been conducted for countries such as Indonesia and Sri Lanka in addition to broadcasting infrastructure assistance, which provided training for program production. However, this training tends to be a mere supplement to broadcasting in frastructure assistance projects (Sakashita 2006, 122). Within JICA, while it is the former Public Policy Department and the current Industrial Development and Public Policy Division that is in charge of democrac y assistance, the Information and Telecommunication Technology Division is in charge of media assistance. This shows that Japan's media assistance is conducted mainly as broadcasting technical assistance rather than democracy assistance, as Sakashita (2006, 122) notes.
Japan's media assistance to Afghanistan in 2002 helped broadcast the country's Loya Jirga, or national assembly, on TV via satellite. Its aim was to show the discussion at the national assembly and the process of choosing the interim president of the country to increase the legitimacy of the new administration (JICA 2004a). The political character of this assistance project was distinct compared with Japan's media assistance until then. However, the project assisted only a state hroadcasting station and did not intend to Increase the capacity of primate media's watchdog functions. In this sense, the actual content of this assistance project was state, not civil society assistance. In addition, the contents of this assistance were to upgrade broadcasting in frastructure and provide equipment and training on how to use the equipment. No assistance was provided in terms of the content of the broadcasting. No expert on free and fair broadcasting was included in its preliminary study group, and all the experts were broadcasting technical specialists, which shows the weakness of Japan's interest in supporting the role of media in democracy (JICA 2002). The project document did not set contribution to democracy as an evaluation criterion of the project, either (Sakashita 2006, 124)." (Pages 51-53)
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"The growing trend of non-profit journalism has received much attention of late, but this report takes a unique look at how non-profit funding is affecting journalism in the Global South. Amidst the collapse of traditional business models for news organizations, funding from philanthropic foundation
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s may be critical for the survival of independence, in-depth news – especially in environments where news independence is also threatened. But the report also points to the risk that non-profit funding may carry its own threats for independence journalism. The report offers insights into how such non-profit funding can help to sustain news reporting, while ensuring that the independence of the press is respected." (CIMA website)
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"The Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC) has commissioned iMedia Associates (iMedia) to conduct a Capitalisation Exercise (CapEx) of its media assistance, with the primary objective of examining its current programmes and bringing out lessons learned. As the second output of this CapE
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x, iMedia has carried out a review of what other donors are doing on media assistance. As agreed, it focuses on current media support by five donors/agencies: DFID (UK Aid), Sida (Sweden), UNESCO, UNDP and the Knight Foundation. We have chosen the five donors to reflect the diversity of donor-types, namely two large and influential Western donors (UK’s DFID and Swedish Sida), agencies in the UN system (UNDP and UNESCO) and a well-endowed US-based private foundation (Knight Foundation). This review of other donors also synthesises key findings from a literature review of the wider media assistance sector in order to identify good practice and situate SDC’s approach in relation to other donors. Our emphasis is on current programmes, policy documents and funding mechanisms." (Introduction)
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"This is a review of the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation’s (SDC) media assistance by consultants from iMedia. The aim is to capitalise on SDC’s experience of media over the last 10 years. The objective is to examine the organisation’s current media assistance programmes and bring
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out lessons learned. NB: this is not an evaluation report but it does end with some conclusions and recommendations offered from iMedia’s independent perspective." (Executive summary)
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"Since the early 1990s, media outlets in Sub-Saharan Africa have proliferated extraordinarily, freeing Africa's press and liberating the airwaves from monopoly by the state. This paper summarises these developments and analyses in how far foreign donors were catalysts of this development. Myers desc
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ribes the motives and mechanisms of this aid, and discusses whether media proliferation necessarily led to pluralism and genuine freedom. She concludes that "considering the media sector as part of the wider political economy of a country is becoming more widespread in donor circles and, although there is still room for improvement, there is much greater recognition today that supporting a healthy media is a matter of encouraging a wider enabling environment. This requires attention not just to the media outlets themselves but to the laws on free speech, broadcasting regulations, etc." (CAMECO Update 1-2105)
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"China is changing Africa’s media sphere. The country supports African broadcasters with loans, training, and exchange programmes and has set up its own media operations on the continent, creating an African arm of the state-run broadcaster CCTV and expanding existing initiatives, such as the stat
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e news agency Xinhua. In the telecommunications market China is helping national governments, both democratic and authoritarian, to expand access to the Internet and mobile telephony, and it offers export credits to Chinese companies willing to invest in African markets. For China, media expansion in Africa is a part of its “Going Out” and “soft power” strategies to extend the country’s influence in new sectors and locations. Yet for some this process represents a move in an “information war” in terms of which Chinese-built telecommunications infrastructure is a cybersecurity concern and the tendency of Chinese media to promote “positive reporting” is a threat to independent watchdog journalism." (Summary)
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"Medienförderung für Osteuropa spielt in Deutschland seit dem Beginn der 1990er Jahre eine wichtige Rolle. Eine Vielzahl an Akteuren ist im Bereich der Aus- und Weiterbildung für osteuropäische Journalistinnen und Journalisten aktiv [...] Der Schwerpunkt der Programmbeteiligung liegt bei jungen
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Journalistinnen und Journalisten, die aus Belarus, Russland und der Ukraine kommen. Mehrheitlich finden die Veranstaltungen in Deutschland statt und werden überwiegend in deutscher Sprache durchgeführt. Die große Mehrheit der Befragten führt Evaluationen durch und bedient sich hauptsächlich der Teilnehmerbefragung im Verlauf bzw. direkt nach Beendigung der Förderprogramme. Valide Aussagen zur Medienförderung sind auf diese Weise allerdings nicht möglich. In bisherigen Untersuchungen zur Medienförderung kommen Akteure, die sich in den beschriebenen Ländern Osteuropas engagieren, nur marginal vor. Dabei gibt es eine Reihe von Fragen hinsichtlich der künftigen Konzepte von Medienförderung, die alle in der Medienförderung tätigen Akteure betreffen, unabhängig davon, ob sie sich auf ein Transformations- oder ein Entwicklungsland beziehen." (Fazit und Empfehlungen, Seite 22)
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"Generally, data about media development support are not complete and reliable due to insufficient classification categories in the DAC system, so the EC and most other international institutions and organisations share the problem of not having solid knowledge about the scope and size of support in
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this field. This is also the case in the CRIS data base, which does not distinguish for example between public diplomacy and media support [...] As a consequence, the amounts and other figures in this report should not be taken as exact values. But the mapping does show some clear trends and tendencies despite the weakness ofthe basic data, and the main findings are: According to the information available in the CRIS data base and the definition of projects applied for this support, the total amount spent on media development and freedom of expression in the period 2000-2010 has been 148,4 Million Euro. More than half of the total amount has been spent in the neighbour countries East and South of the EU. More than 40 % has been spent in the Western Balkans, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Russia, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine and Turkey, while 12,5 % has been spent in the Middle East and North Africa. 24,3 % of the total funds have been spent in Sub-Saharan Africa. The EC support for media development and freedomof expression has been limited compared with the bilateral support from EU. Member States and other bilateral donors. For comparison the Swedish budget for media support from SIDA in 2012 is 26 Million Euro and DfiD supports the BBC Media Action with more than 20 Million Euro per year. The funding comes from a variety of thematic and geographic Instruments with the European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights, EIDHR, as the single biggest source, which accounts for 41 % of the total support. Other significant Instruments are IPA, CARDS, ENPI and MED. The main focus has been on training of journalists and editors in journalistic skills and professional standards. Other initiatives have been support to reform of media related legislation and direct support to endangered journalists and writers. The projects supportedby the EC have not been different from projects funded by bilateral donors. Very few projects have benefitted from the potential comparative advantages of the EC/EU as a multinational entity. Very few projects have been designed and implemented in cooperation with member states or other donor agencies, and the projects do not reflect on-going internal medla developments in the EU. There seems to be more focus on EU visibility than on EU additionallity. The top ten contract holders have implemented 36 % of the total project value with BBC Media Action as the single biggest partner, which has implemented almost ten percent of the total project value in the period 2000-2010. lnternews (with lnternews Europe as the biggest entity) comes second with 4,6 % of the total project value followed by the International Federation of Journalists with 3,4 % of the project value. The EC is seen as a “difficult“ or “bureaucratic“ donor agency, which is difficult to approach for smaller organisations because the possible funding does not correspond with the paper work needed to apply for support." (Executive summary
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"Foundations are making more media and journalism grants not for the sake of media alone, but because they are finding they need a healthy news ecosystem in order to achieve their strategic goals." With this in mind, the John S. and James L. Knight Foundation and the William Penn Foundation have pub
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lished this booklet as a resource for use as a starting point for organisations interested in making media, journalism, or community-information grants. The booklet is divided in two primary sections - the first containing key points that a user is encouraged to know, the second a short list of suggestions on how to get started. A final section of "Additional reading" is included at the end, as well as a link to the Information Needs website for further resources." (Communication Initiative)
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"The first part of this publication provides insight into the media development practices and policy frameworks of France, Germany, Norway and the United Kingdom while the second part deals with different issues and projects, such as the role of media for social transformation in Africa and coordina
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tion of international donors and implementers. The contributions to this publication indicate a broad mutual understanding of the role of, and strategies for, media development. Four common characteristics can be highlighted. First, media assistance is seen as an integral part of democracy support, mainly due to the role of media as a guarantor of accountability and platform for public discourse. Second, media assistance requires not only journalism training, but a sector approach including all levels of the media sector, as professional editorial and financial management, capable professional associations, and an enabling regulatory environment. Third, financial sustainability is of paramount importance for a functioning independent media sector, and media development cooperation must become more active in this area. Fourth, closer cooperation and partnerships among donors and implementers should be encouraged." (Executive summary)
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"As a follow up on the Media and Development Forum, which took place in Ouagadougou (Burkina Faso) on 11-13 September 2008, the European Commission initiated this study to map out the projects and programmes which European donors have in place to support media development in Africa [...] Some 240 co
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ntacts were identified and sent the questionnaire. 148 responses have been collected. 200 projects/programmes have been identified and analysed. These projects/programmes amounts to a support worth more than 100m €. The projects/programmes involve 46 out of the 57 African countries. Training is the dominant activity area. More than 1/3 of the projects have training as the main content. Additionally, in many cases the training activities support other activity areas, like production of programmes, setting up of radio stations etc. Only one small project address education of future journalists. 152 projects (76%) address only one country. These projects include 36 countries (63% of the countries in Africa and 78% of the countries which have received support). The projects targeting only one country amount to 60.739.635 €, which is 60% of the funding recorded in the survey. Very few countries receive the majority of the funding. The three countries receiving support for more than 5 mil € receive 32,8% of the total support. The data indicates that the major part of the support goes to countries in conflict/post-conflict or democracy crisis situations. ¾ of the projects are implemented by non-African organisations/institutions. Regarding New Media, the analysis shows that mobile phones and the Internet are gaining importance in the continent because of the numbers of subscribers and access possibilities are increasing. Initiatives are taken in many countries to make these tools real means of communication as well as sources of information and evidence and channels of dissemination of information in several areas of development. Despite of this development, only very few projects address new media." (Executive summary, page 5-7)
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"La cultura-comunicación, más que promover la integración de países, debe buscar la integración de ciudadanos, trabajando los denominadores comunes definidos en las Declaraciones Universales de los Derechos Humanos, Pueblos Indígenas y Medio Ambiente. Es éste el capítulo más deficitario de
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nuestra cooperación y el que exige mayores esfuerzos. Cultura y comunicación deben servir para promover el diálogo de los ciudadanos de ambas orillas potenciando su encuentro e intercambiando conocimientos, inquietudes, ideas, ambiciones y folklores; en suma, tejiendo complicidades que superen recelos históricos más allá de querellas políticas, a veces de exclusiva propiedad de los gobiernos. Para ello es necesario establecer un plan en la UE que atienda y coordine líneas multilaterales y bilaterales. Una política común en cultura-comunicación exige financiación comunitaria y coordinación de las políticas bilaterales para generar sinergias, ampliando cualitativa y cuantitativamente las propuestas de EUROMED. Ésta sería la primera propuesta, abrir una línea de financiación en cooperación específica desde la UE para Marruecos, Argelia y Túnez en cultura-comunicación partiendo de la consideración de que muchas de estas medidas deben tener una consecuencia en el conjunto de los seis países y la UE. El cambio necesario debe buscar beneficiar a la ciudadanía más que a los Estados y al capital." (Página 54-55)
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"This publication describes the main media assistance funders outside the USA in an alphabetical fashion from 'Arab States' to 'United Kingdom', complemented by data on the European Commission (EC), UNESCO and UNDP. The EC is likely to be the biggest single funder of media development projects besid
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es the United States. An approximate and conservative guess was a current yearly commitment by the EC of about $82 million worth of media-related projects. For comparison, Sweden and Norway provided $30 million and $19 million on media support, respectively, in 2008, and the Netherlands and Switzerland were estimated to fund about $37 million and $29 million per year, respectively. In forming part of the "governance" agenda of many donors the rationale for media support is being much more precisely articulated than in the past, and it is no longer as confused with either communications as public relations or with communications as a tool for social or behavioural change. Nevertheless, often there is no long-term strategy or commitment for media development and, as a result, more complex media reform programmes (for instance legislation, reform of state broadcasters, or establishment of national training structures) are not tackled accordingly." (CAMECO Update 1-2010)
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"U.S. funding for international media development in 2006—public and private—exceeded $142 million; U.S. government funding totaled nearly $69 million; U.S. private sector funding totaled over $60 million; and Funding from government-supported nonprofit organizations—the National Endowment for
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Democracy and U.S. Institute of Peace—totaled $13 million." (Executive summary)
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"Aid efforts have encountered a number of problems: oversupply of basic courses, overlapping and duplication of courses and a lack of understanding of local conditions on the part of some donors [...] Better planning and coordination could improve the situation, as could efforts to encourage journal
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ists of all political orientations to attend training. The one major gap in aid is seen to be the lack of attention to the skills needed to run a news medium as a commercial enterprise." (Conclusion, page 53)
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"The World Bank should take a more active role in policy and regulatory activities targeting the broadcasting sector because: broadcasting can have a significant part to play in the fight to reduce global poverty; convergence of information and communications technologies (ICT) is allowing broadcast
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services to be provided over telecommunications networks and internet services to use broadcast systems; the broadcast component of the convergent ICT sector is a significant economic sector; reform of the broadcast sector can have a significant development impact; few other international development players are active in the broadcast reform arena; traditional reticence to address a sector that raises political sensitivities appears overblown. The Bank Group’s potential activities in the sector might include: basic reform, involving the opening up of the broadcast sector to private and community involvement, and deconcentrating private media ownership; convergence regulation, involving the harmonization and integration of regulations covering broadcast and telecommunications infrastructure; support for community radio stations to improve access for the poor to the tools of information and communications technologies; pilot projects involving digital television to assess the potential of broadcasting as a tool to widen access to the internet." (Executive summary, page ix)
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"The overview of activities to support the media in Southeast Europe is not equally detailed and comprehensive for each country or organization. Also, the information made available for this overview was provided in different ways: narrative or tables, divided by country or type of activity. This ma
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kes it difficult to draw sweeping conclusions. Nonetheless, several observations can be based on the information below. Support is increasingly aimed at strengthening local institutions. Support to public broadcasters is limited in comparison to support to private media (less than fifteen per cent of available figures). Serbia, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo receive more media support than Macedonia and Montenegro. Bulgaria, Romania, Moldova and Albania receive least. A rough calculation based on the available figures (not all distributed here, due to confidentiality) shows that 40 per cent of the financial support is for training, followed by 34 per cent for direct support to individual media outlets and 26 per cent for associations, media centers and legislative reforms." (Page 1)
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"Listet die Profile von 21 in der Medien- und Journalistenförderung tätigen Institutionen auf, vom BMZ bis zum Solidaritätsfonds Demokratische Medien in der Welt. Außerdem sind die folgenden Veröffentlichungen beigefügt: Antwort der Bundesregierung auf die Kleine Anfrage "Förderung der Medien
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in Entwicklungsländern" (2002); Bärbel Roeben: Medienförderung (2002); Michael Krzeminski: Medien in der Entwicklungspolitik: alte Paradigmen und neue Perspektiven (1999); Manfred Oepen: Deutsche Medienförderung im Abseits (1995)." (commbox)
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