"An independent media is one of the most effective assets we have in efforts to curb corruption and foster accountability. Yet it is deeply imperilled, particularly in fragile states and often poorly understood by the international development sector. This policy working paper argues that unless dev
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elopment strategies begin to prioritise support to independent media, corruption may continue to go unchecked and the accountability of states will diminish." (Website BBC Media Action)
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"Media markets are fragmented, audience consumption is siloed, the massive spread of media, entertainment, and news offerings has made it extremely important to set up public service media institutions that will be held to account and be responsible for living up to their public service obligations.
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PSB may not be the only answer to the challenge of establishing sustainable, independent media, but certainly, it should be examined in some contexts as part of the answer. But to have a future, PSB will require adaptation, innovation, the bringing together of so-called legacy media with new media and ICTs, and—as many PSB experts have indicated—the need to re-imagine PSB in a digital age." (Conclusion)
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"The mobile industry has, for the past 15 years or so, done a phenomenal job of connecting users in emerging markets to voice, SMS and Internet access services. But as we strive to reach the remaining unconnected users, we may need new models of connectivity to reach them. In the first section of th
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is document we discuss the need for new Internet access models, and ask the question of what we mean by “Internet Access” and why it’s important to understand what the impacts of limited service and capability are.
We then move on to look at the barriers to scaling Internet access, and why, despite the availability and affordability of mobile phones, Internet access remains sub-scale. On the supply side, we discuss the issues around the costs of delivery access, and the difficulty of making connectivity affordable. Many attempts to reduce the cost have been tried, with varying levels of success. From Universal Service Funds delivered at a policy level, to zero-rated services from the private sector, it is important to understand the considerations around subsidizing access for poor or hard-to-reach users. The debate around this is nuanced, as the recent decision by the TRAI to ban Facebook Free Basics in India has shown. Supply side barriers are not easily solvable, and some mix of new industry business models and policy efforts to make regulation fit for purpose is required. Providing affordable—or free—Internet access will require negotiating the original principles of the Internet, the desire for an open and fair architecture, with the real costs of delivering this vision.
From a user perspective, even when the available infrastructure enables connectivity, it doesn’t always drive adoption. Users require a reason to go online. A certain amount of this can be demand driven by access to essential government services, but a carrot as well as a stick is required. We have previously researched the digital lives of users in Ghana, Kenya, and Uganda, and have shown how users come online for non-instrumental reasons (social
media, games, etc.) but then often use these platforms for instrumental activities such as self-directed education, searching for employment, or sourcing essential information.3 User research can show us how these needs can be balanced, and we discuss this within this report." (Introduction, page 4-5)
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"By unearthing the connections between the literatures on participatory communica-tion and civic engagement with the reality of postconflict peace, this article demonstrates how a communication for development (C4D) approach to engaging citizens in peacebuilding contributes to strengthening the reco
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nstruction process at the end of the violence, while engendering a bottom up process based on dialogue and inclusivity. After offering a brief overview of the peacebuilding contexts, this article presents a theoretical discussion that brings to the surface not only the role of C4D in facilitating citizens participation in government decision making, but also its significance in creating an inclusive peacebuilding process that starts from the community. At the same time, this discussion begins to shed light on the relationship between communication for development and participatory governance." (Abstract)
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"Revelations on mass online surveillance and regular reports on abuses of the rights to privacy and free expression clearly show the need to effectively protect human rights on the net. The Council of Europe works with governments, the private sector, civil society and other actors to shape the Inte
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rnet as a safe and open environment where freedom of expression, freedom of assembly and association, diversity, culture and education can flourish. In line with its overall mission, the ultimate aim of its Internet-related action is to protect and promote human rights, democracy and the rule of law." (Page 2)
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"The KAS Task Force on Journalism Education in South East Europe has conducted a survey among journalism undergraduates and graduates in five countries – a first-time initiative in the region. Their response can be seen as a testimonial of a media sector in turmoil. In the Western Balkans and othe
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r countries in South East Europe, such as Romania, the general challenges for media outlets precipitated by the internet revolution are compounded by specific deficiencies of the media landscape. In many cases, media outlets in South East Europe operate at a loss. National media markets are too small to accommodate the relatively high number of media outlets. Citizens are largely reluctant to pay for a high standard of journalism – one of the reasons why employment conditions are volatile and often unattractive. Fewer journalists are expected to deliver a greater news output in the cross-media era. Moreover, media are often owned by business moguls with inclinations to use media ownership as an instrument for gaining political influence for whom journalist entrepreneurship is not a primary concern. Despite these daunting challenges in the broader environment, many still consider journalism a dream job. On the other hand, the study shows that half of media students envisage working in other fields following graduation." (Foreword)
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"This paper outlines BBC Media Action’s approach to Governance and Rights and our strategy for achieving impact in this area. This paper builds on the significant advances in our Governance and Rights practice, research and policy initiatives since the last approaches and strategy paper in 2013. T
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he key updates to the 2013 approach are: An increased focus on conflict and fragility; Prioritisation of empowerment of women and girls; Expansion of the use of online in our work; Adoption of a new framework for how we drive change; empowering people, creating space and influencing power." (Page 1)
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"This report provides a holistic, data-driven analysis of how countries are currently implementing open government practices, the main challenges they face and the untapped opportunities that exist for enhancing transparency, accountability and citizen participation both in the policy-making cycle a
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nd in service design and delivery. The questionnaire and analytical framework on which the report is based stem from more than a decade of work on open and inclusive policy making by the OECD Secretariat. This work includes thematic reports and country-specific open government reviews, and was enriched by the policy dialogue that has taken place in the OECD Public Governance Committee and in the three regional networks on open and innovative government that the OECD hosts in Latin America and the Caribbean, Middle East and North Africa, and Southeast Asia. The report finds that countries are moving from an intrinsic to an instrumental understanding of open government reforms, using them to achieve broader policy objectives such as good governance and inclusive growth, rather than as a goal in themselves. The UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are a case in point, as open government policies and initiatives can not only contribute to Goal 16 (on Peace, Justice, and Strong Institutions) but they are potentially beneficial to reach all the other SDGs as well. In line with this new approach, the report highlights ways to improve whole-ofgovernment co-ordination of the national open government agenda; such co-ordination is needed in order to achieve more integrated and strategic policy outcomes. There is a need to consolidate the multitude of scattered initiatives into a single national open government strategy, based on a country-specific understanding of what open government reforms entail and seek to accomplish. To support the ensuing national discussion and provide a reference model, the OECD has developed its own definition which can be adapted to countries’ specific historical, legal, social and economic contexts: Open government is “a culture of governance based on innovative and sustainable public policies and practices inspired by the principles of transparency, accountability and participation that fosters democracy and inclusive growth." (Foreword)
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"The handbook is based on the authors’ varied experiences from consulting the implementation of media mappings in several transitional countries and it will focus on two of these projects: a. mapping the Mongolian media landscape initiated in 1999 ten years after the break down of Communism and b.
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the mapping of the Libyan media landscape initiated in 2012 one year after the Libyan revolution in 2011 and the ouster of Muammar Qaddafi. Developing on the experiences from these two projects and subsequent reflections the authors investigate why the Mongolian project was a success and still operating and in turn why the Libyan was far less successful despite similar methodological approaches. On the basis of these experiences the authors provide a description of a number of general circumstances that the authors recommend should be taken into account before and during the process of setting up a media mapping capacity." (IMS website)
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"This report reflects the findings of a survey performed by Afghan Journalists Safety Committee on the status of female journalists and media workers in Afghanistan. The purpose of the report is to identify the extensive challenges female journalists and media workers face and develop specific measu
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res to tackle those challenges subsequent to development of this report." (Page i)
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"This paper explores the role professional independent media and journalists can play in circumstances where people’s very survival may rely upon trustworthy information about conflicting factions, violence, or rescue efforts. It also looks at the approaches that have been tried and tested in ligh
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t of the major challenges faced by the international media development community at local and regional levels. These efforts in fostering quality journalism as a public good in itself can support the realization of other human rights. A professional and pluralistic media environment does not only provide the necessary information to survive from one day to the next, it can also maximize the chances for dialogue and help reconciliation and political transformation processes. It can be argued that media development cooperation in areas of conflict and in countries with authoritarian regimes is needed the most. However, it also faces the highest obstacles in being able to reach the right stakeholders, being effective, and keeping all those involved secure." (Page 3)
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"This report details how the criminal law is used to limit peaceful expression in India. It documents examples of the ways in which vague or overbroad laws are used to stifle political dissent, harass journalists, restrict activities by nongovernmental organizations, arbitrarily block Internet sites
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or take down content, and target religious minorities and marginalized communities, such as Dalits. The report identifies laws that should be repealed or amended to bring them into line with international law and India’s treaty commitments. These laws have been misused, in many cases in defiance of Supreme Court rulings or advisories clarifying their scope. For example, in 1962, the Supreme Court ruled that speech or action constitutes sedition only if it incites or tends to incite disorder or violence. Yet various state governments continue to charge people with sedition even when that standard is not met. While India’s courts have generally protected freedom of expression, their record is uneven. Some lower courts continue to issue poorly reasoned, speech-limiting decisions, and the Supreme Court, while often a forceful defender of freedom of expression, has at times been inconsistent, leaving lower courts to choose which precedent to emphasize. This lack of consistency has contributed to an inconsistent terrain of free speech rights and left the door open to continued use of the law by local officials and interest groups to harass and intimidate unpopular and dissenting opinions." (Summary, page 2)
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"This mapping study investigates the ways in which the Kenyan government and other actors have initiated or engaged in multistakeholder processes in order to address cybersecurity-related matters in the country. Based on this, it will identify best practices, gaps and missing links, as well as oppor
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tunities and recommendations for improving the cyber policy landscape in the country. The assessment of Kenya’s cybersecurity landscape in this report will identify actors within the government and civil society, as well as existing laws and frameworks, and address the proposed ones, based on the information that is currently available. Unless otherwise stated, all institutions and legislative documents listed here are existent and/or functional." (Page 7)
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"Currently, no dedicated agency or systematic effort analyzes the effect of Russian (or any other) disinformation. Who really watches Russia Today? Where? For how long? And why? Nor do we have the means to systematically track the content: How does the Kremlin’s message in Germany differ from the
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line in Sweden or Poland? Our case studies, combined with an ongoing effort at CEPA to identify and monitor Russian propaganda in parts of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) show the variety of Russia’s means and messaging. But the lack of a coherent picture constrains our ability to respond in both quantitative and qualitative terms. We recommend: Regular, targeted analysis of the reach and impact of Russian propaganda; Greater analysis of the CEE media environment to detect disinformation campaigns and understand what sources shape public awareness; and Monitoring of social media, identifying trends and personalities that are popular among polarized social groups and who could be engaged to build trust." (Page II)
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"The existing international media freedom indices provide a variety of different information tools that contain important knowledge for media development practitioners. As shown, the different tools are of varying significance for the relevant purposes within the media development context: while som
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e measures mainly supply general data that provide a broad overview, others publish less information tools but more detailed information about specific aspects [...] In summary, the presented media freedom assessments should never be used as the only source of information. Rather, their data should generally be verified and validated against other knowledge sources. This is especially true because of the shortcomings of the indices’ methodologies. Especially the two global rankings were developed by a few people mostly from Western countries, and their indicators are evaluated by very few people. In turn, the results of such a small group can be subjective and potentially biased. Hence, media development practitioners should be informed about how the assessments are compiled in order to be able to critically reflect their findings. Consequently, the international media freedom indices should be used in the context of media development, but they should be used with caution." (Conclusion)
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"La presente propuesta metodológica para la promoción del uso seguro del Internet producto de un acuerdo de trabajo entre el Instituto Interamericano del Niño, la Niña y Adolescentes (IIN-OEA) y World Visión República Dominicana aborda, en forma conjunta, los desafíos que, desde la perspectiv
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a de los Derechos de la niñez y adolescencia nos presenta la expansión del Internet y su creciente presencia en la vida cotidiana de las nuevas generaciones. No se trata de diabolizar los avances tecnológicos ni los cambios en las comunicaciones humanas, producto de dichos avances, sino de reconocer las oportunidades y las amenazas que representan el uso masivo de las mismas. El acceso a Internet es para niños, niñas y adolescentes una herramienta de enorme valor para la obtención de información, comunicación y expresión de sus puntos de vista, así como el conocimiento de nuevas y variadas realidades. Para muchos el acceso a Internet, en la fase histórica en que vivimos, tiene un significado similar a lo que fue la incorporación de la lectoescritura a principios del siglo pasado: una herramienta imprescindible de integración, comunicación y acceso a los bienes de la cultura. Desde esta mirada, el no acceso constituye una brecha de exclusión que se entrelaza y potencializa con otras variables asociadas a la producción social de la vulnerabilidad. Por otra parte, no podemos desconocer que las potencialidades del internet coexisten con riesgos y amenazas. Para los niños, niñas y adolescentes navegar en Internet tiene riesgos similares o tal vez superiores a los que supone el transitar cualquier espacio público sin el acompañamiento responsable de un adulto [...]
Muchas experiencias dan cuenta de continuidades entre violencias virtuales y físicas. Solo a modo de ejemplo, podemos citar el bullying que es extendido a través del cyberbullying o la utilización de Internet para reclutar posibles víctimas de trata o de explotación sexual. El dualismo del Internet nos enfrenta al desafío de articular acceso e inclusión con protección. Acceso seguro con realización de derechos y es aquí donde es necesario reafirmar algunos principios y conceptos presentes en la Convención de los Derechos del niño. En primer lugar, el principio de corresponsabilidad, los niveles de protección de los niños, niñas y adolescentes requieren una corresponsabilidad entre familia, comunidad y Estado." (Palabras introductorias, página 7)
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"Given the distributed and open nature of the Internet, it is reasonable to assume that a distributed and open approach to governance may prove most effective. The multistakeholder efforts examined in this paper have sought to respond to this reality by creating institutions and processes that aim t
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o be more inclusive, participatory and transparent. However, one of the main challenges they have confronted is a lack of systematic analysis or evidence regarding what works, and what doesn’t. Despite over two decades of efforts to develop a new model of governance—despite all the models that have been tried, with varying degrees of success—the field of Internet Governance lacks an evidentiary basis upon which it could continue to innovate." (Conclusion)
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