"Affective polarization has been a persistent feature of Afghanistan’s society and politics in the past decades. However, with the instantaneous collapse of the republic’s government and the return of the Taliban, the country has witnessed heightened affective polarization along ethnic and ideol
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ogical lines. Stemming from deep-rooted historical grievances, aggregated conflicts, and over a century of failed struggles for statebuilding and nation-building in Afghanistan, the surge in affective polarization is intricately linked with the elite’s behaviour and social media use. Outbidding strategies by elites result in more extreme positions. Coupled with the dissemination of hate and harmful messages, and divisive online content, this attracts wider attention and social support against a background of dwindling inter-group trust, state failure, and uncertainty over the political prospects. This article attempts to conceptualize the complex causal relations of affective polarization, elite behaviour, and social media platforms in Afghanistan’s fragmented social and political landscape." (Abstract)
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"While the digital turn in communication research offers novel opportunities to study polarization at scale, it also adds complexity to a challenging concept. Ambiguities surrounding the conceptual understanding of polarization in different fields lead to problems in advancing the research in the di
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gital context. The conflation of types and forms of polarization erodes the utility of the concept and opens the door to an uncritical proliferation of technologically determinist perspectives and solutions. We review literature from political, media and communication studies, revealing an increasing focus on polarization within media and communication without sufficient (re-)evaluation and conceptualization. To avoid future indiscriminate use of the term polarization, we advocate for precise delineations when studying polarization as a threat to democracy. We propose a concept of destructive polarization and discuss it with regard to studying its dynamics in a digital communication context, describing its recognizable elements as manifested in communication practices." (Abstract)
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"In recent years, links between selective news exposure and political polarisation have attracted considerable attention among communication scholars. However, while the existence of selective exposure has been documented in both offline and online environments, the evidence of its extent and its im
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pact on political polarisation is far from unanimous. To address these questions, and also to bridge methodological and geographical gaps in existing research, this paper adopts a media repertoires approach to investigate selective news exposure and polarisation in four Eastern European countries – the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Serbia. Using a combination of population surveys, expert surveys and qualitative interviews, the data for the study were collected between November 2019 and May 2020. We identify five types of news repertoires based on their relative openness to counter-attitudinal sources, and show that selective news repertoires are present in 29% of the entire sample. Our findings also reveal significant cross-country differences, with the more selective news repertoires more prominent in countries characterised by higher levels of polarisation. Furthermore, while the selection of news sources is in line with" (Abstract)
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"This literature review examines, specifically, social science work presenting evidence concerning the existence, causes, and effect of online echo chambers and consider what related research can tell about scientific discussions online and how they might shape public understanding of science and th
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e role of science in society." (Executive summary, page 4)
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"Delving into the meanings, implications, contexts and effects of extreme speech and gated communities in the media landscape, the chapters analyse misleading metaphors and rhetoric via focused case studies to understand how we can overcome the risks and threats stemming from the past decade's defin
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ing communicative phenomena. The book brings together an international team of experts, enabling a broad, multidisciplinary approach that examines hate speech, dislike, polarization and enclave deliberation as cross axes that influence offline and digital conversations." (Publisher description)
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"This chapter explores digital drivers of conflict. We examine how technologies are affecting conflict dynamics and what peacebuilders can do to mitigate these effects. We argue that because digital technologies are fundamentally altering the human experience, they are by extension fundamentally alt
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ering conflicts. We propose a framework for understanding the impact of technology on conflict, and for categorising different types of peacebuilding interventions. Together, these interventions contribute to the emerging field of digital peacebuilding." (Abstract)
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"China is accused of conducting disinformation campaigns on Taiwan's social media. Existing studies on foreign interventions in democratic societies predict that such disinformation campaigns should lead to increasing partisan polarization within Taiwan. We argue that a backlash effect, making Taiwa
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n's citizens more united against China, is equally plausible. We conduct a survey experiment exposing participants to a real-life rumour and rebuttal to test these competing hypotheses. We find, at best, mixed evidence for polarization. Although neither rumour nor rebuttal mention China, there is consistent evidence of backlash against China. Most notably, participants across the political spectrum are more inclined to support Taiwanese independence after viewing the rumour rebuttal. These findings indicate that citizens may put aside partisanship when confronted with false news that is plausibly linked to an external actor. We conclude by discussing the broader applicability of our theory and implications for cross-Strait relations." (Abstract)
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"Rising political polarization is, in part, attributed to the fragmentation of news media and the spread of misinformation on social media. Previous reviews have yet to assess the full breadth of research on media and polarization. We systematically examine 94 articles (121 studies) that assess the
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role of (social) media in shaping political polarization. Using quantitative and qualitative approaches, we find an increase in research over the past 10 years and consistently find that pro-attitudinal media exacerbates polarization. We find a hyperfocus on analyses of Twitter and American samples and a lack of research exploring ways (social) media can depolarize. Additionally, we find ideological and affective polarization are not clearly defined, nor consistently measured. Recommendations for future research are provided." (Abstract)
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"A significant number of the surveyed citizens consider the media in Serbia under the control of political groups at both ends of the spectrum. At the same time, many of the surveyed citizens think that the media is free to collect and publish information on all the relevant issues. These findings r
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eflect the media reality in Serbia: after twenty years of reforms, the country has managed to create a system in which the freedom of the media implies (only) that our media freely report on issues relevant to the option whose interests they represent. Both the media workers in the focus group and the surveyed citizens agree that propaganda and hatred are ubiquitous in the media. The media instrumentalizes hatred based on gender, national and other stereotypes in order to realize the particular interests of the groups to which they are loyal for ideological or financial reasons. But as the media workers warn, the media is also abusing the hatred rooted in society to increase circulation, viewership, or reach, and again, in the end, to make a profit. The position of women journalists in Serbia is especially difficult. As many as 95% of the surveyed citizens agree that women journalists are exposed to attacks, threats, insults and harassment because they do their job well. The journalists and editors in the focus group do not see gender prejudices and stereotypes as a cause of attacks but rather as a tool to discredit female journalists. Not their work—because that is difficult to discredit—but rather female journalists personally, where attacks are dominated by discourse strategies stemming from classic misogyny." (Conclusion, page 25)
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"Die Öffentlichkeit ist der zentrale Wert unserer Demokratie. Nur wenn sich freie Meinungen ohne Angst begegnen, können sie das verhandeln, was alle angeht. Ohne eine funktionierende Öffentlichkeit kann niemand seine Interessen formulieren oder seine Meinung bilden. Doch die spätmoderne Öffentl
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ichkeit sieht sich in einer paradoxen Lage. Je mehr Menschen durch die sozialen Netzwerke Zugang haben, desto chaotischer werden ihre Debatten. Radikale Vereinfachungen führen zu einer polarisierten Öffentlichkeit, in der es nur noch Freunde und Feinde gibt. Wer auf sachliche Informationen und einen rationalen Diskurs hofft, wird immer öfter enttäuscht. Dabei steuert unsere Gesellschaft auf eine doppelte Katastrophe zu. Die Zersplitterung des Sozialen nimmt in wachsendem Tempo zu und die Veränderungen des Anthropozäns zeichnen sich immer drohender am Horizont ab. Es ist also höchste Zeit, die Ursachen der zerstrittenen Öffentlichkeit aufzuzeigen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"[...] The press situation in the country is deeply disconcerting. The reason for this is that the media landscape is as polarized as never before, and that parts of the media are being blamed for playing a pivotal role in the turbulence which have erupted in various parts of the country since 2019.
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The suspicion of many people is that the media are being exploited to propagate an ethnic agenda. Towards this backdrop, the intention of the study is to examine the role of the media in ethnic tensions in contemporary Ethiopia. The methodology is twofold, combining in-depth interviews with framing analysis. For the interview part, we have met approximately 25 persons with key positions in all major parts of the media in the country. For the framing analysis, we have scrutinized the media coverage of eight crucial incidents of 2019 in ten different media outlets. We argue that the tendencies we’re observing in the media can be described as an intensified ethnification process. By this we mean that ethnic belonging and identity politics are gaining significance as central frames of reference in the current Ethiopian media discourse. Ethnicity is being employed as a key to interpret media messages, and it outlines a frame for classifying media channels and personalities. We identify two major frames, annihilation and othering, which are indicative of the tendency of journalists to align with their ethnic background ..." (Executive summary)
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"The paper examines ideological segregation among Ukrainian users in online environments, using as a case study partisan news communities on Vkontakte, the largest online platform in post-communist states. Its findings suggest that despite their insignificant numbers, partisan news communities attra
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ct substantial attention from Ukrainian users and can encourage the formation of isolated ideological cliques – or ‘echo chambers’ – that increase societal polarisation. The paper also investigates factors that predict users’ interest in partisan content and establishes that the region of residence is the key predictor of selective consumption of pro-Ukrainian or pro-Russian partisan news content." (Abstract)
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"Entgrenzt, entfesselt, entgleist? Im digitalen Zeitalter ist Kommunikation prinzipiell schrankenlos, die Anlässe für Debatten sind unübersehbar – und die Art und Weise, wie in der (Netz)öffentlichkeit weniger mit- als vor allem übereinander gesprochen wird, oftmals weit jenseits überkommene
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r Standards. Konflikte auszutragen sei in offenen Gesellschaften unabdingbar, und zugleich, so Bernhard Pörksen und Friedemann Schulz von Thun, stelle sie das vor neue Herausforderungen. Wie, so fragen die Autoren, lässt sich den vielen vergifteten Auseinandersetzungen begegnen, die Vorbehalte vor Inhalte setzen und in der Herabwürdigung von Menschen oder im Erobern von Deutungshoheiten dem Zusammenhalt und der Offenheit unserer Gesellschaft schaden? Wo liegen die Grenzen des Erträglichen? Um welche Art von Kommunikation geht es? Mit wem kann oder muss man, nicht mehr oder immer noch, reden, und wenn ja, wie? Dialogisch leuchten der Medienwissenschaftler Pörksen und der Psychologe Schulz von Thun das Bewusstsein um die Macht der Kommunikation mit ihren Untiefen, ihrem Potenzial für Kränkungen und Missverständnisse aus. Der Anspruch bestehe darin, den Dialog gleichermaßen authentisch und wertschätzend, ebenso reflektiert und situationsgerecht wie der Wahrheit verpflichtet zu führen." (Buchrücken)
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"Malaysia’s Pakatan Harapan government fell rapidly in late February 2020 as a result of coalition infighting and power struggles among the political elite. A major factor in the government’s sudden collapse was rising ethnoreligious tension between Muslim-Malay nationalists in the opposition an
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d ethnic Chinese who formed part of the ruling coalition. Such tension appeared to have grown over the 22-month period of the multi-ethnic coalition government, leading to concern about political polarization and the potential for communal unrest in Malaysia. Malaysia follows a pattern seen recently in other countries (e.g., Indonesia, United States) where the rise to public office of a minority has been followed by an anti-pluralist backlash. Social media played an important role in Malaysia during this period in amplifying and reinforcing religious and ethnic-based appeals. An analysis of social media data shows that, by one measure, the volume of anti-Chinese sentiment online spiked in the days around the fall of the government. Although unrest was avoided during these events, more research is needed on the interplay between social media and polarization in Malaysia. The events leading to the fall of the Pakatan Harapan government indicate that Malaysia may be following the Indonesian trend, where the primary cleavage is not one of race but of religious conservatives versus cosmopolitan pluralists." (Executive summary)
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"This research performs a thematic analysis on tweets published during Brazil’s 2018 elections that mentioned communism. The idea was to identify the linkages to other underlying themes that emerged during what we saw as the Twitter ‘virality of communism’ and interpret them considering the ba
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ckdrop of anti-communist discourses in the country. The results show that political polarisation, distrust of democracy, criticism of the left and praise of militarism and religion are the most recurrent themes. We conclude by situating the virality of the term ‘communism’ as a process that follows a context of disinformation and hopelessness, but which also relates to the legitimate concerns of Brazilian voters." (Abstract)
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"This study presents a snapshot of the framing used in reporting on Syria. To ensure a diverse representation, the sample includes a selection of domestic (Syrian) and pan-Arab media organisations, whose alleged preferences towards the dominant parties in the Syrian conflict are mixed. The findings
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of the research show that many partisan media demonstrate significant polarising in their reporting. These media present biased, graphic and emotive images to their audiences. The black and white portrayal by these media dehumanises groups of people and has the potential to exacerbate tensions in Syria even further. Independent outlets are noticeable for their neutrality in reporting. Also, these media outlets diverge in their use of framing: rather than acting as a mouthpiece for a political actor, they follow their individual organisation’s editorial line." (Executive summary, page 3)
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"Across Europe there is as yet little evidence to support the idea that increased exposure to news featuring like-minded or opposing views leads to the widespread polarisation of attitudes. Although some studies have found that both can strengthen the attitudes of a minority who already hold strong
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views. Most studies of news use on social media have failed to find evidence of echo chambers and/or 'filter bubbles', where people are over-exposed to like-minded views. Some studies even find evidence that it increases the likelihood of exposure to opposing views. The extent to which people self-select news sources in Europe based on their political preferences, as well as the extent to which news outlets produce partisan coverage, still varies greatly by country. In addition to differences between European countries, comparative research often tends to show that the United States of America has much higher levels of partisan news production, consumption and polarisation, making it difficult to generalise from these findings. There are large gaps in our understanding of the relationship between the news media and polarisation, particularly outside Western and Northern Europe, and particularly concerning our knowledge of new, more partisan digital-born news sources." (
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