"Popular Media, Democracy and Development in Africa examines the role that popular media could play to encourage political debate, provide information for development, or critique the very definitions of 'democracy' and 'development'. Drawing on diverse case studies from various regions of the Afric
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an continent, essays employ a range of theoretical and methodological approaches to ask critical questions about the potential of popular media to contribute to democratic culture, provide sites of resistance, or, conversely, act as agents for the spread of Americanized entertainment culture to the detriment of local traditions. A wide variety of media formats and platforms are discussed, ranging from radio and television to the Internet, mobile phones, street posters, film and music." (Publisher description)
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"It has to be underlined that this study does not see the internet as a major remedy for the development of political culture and civil society that is so essential for Pakistan’s further democratic consolidation. To understand possible contributions of the new information technologies towards pol
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itical progress it is important to consider them within the context of society. If the new media are integrated into ongoing struggles for change they can actually open up the landscape of ‘old politics’, providing additional possibilities for civic engagement and mobilisation. This is perhaps most evident in the efforts for women’s empowerment on and over the internet which in fact represent a new approach to the long-term activism against violence against women and for women’s rights in Pakistani society. The necessary attempts to reach a coherent legislation for internet use in Pakistan might provide another example in this regard - when pursued in a concerted manner. Here, civil society and the private sector could seek to develop a unified position vis-à-vis the state and to influence the government’s decision making process, thereby indirectly touching fundamental issues such as civil rights and cultural tolerance." (Conclusion, page 66)
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"This book provides a clear and authoritative introduction to the emerging Arab media industries in the context of globalization and its impacts, with a focus on publishing, press, broadcasting, cinema and new media. Through detailed discussions of the regulation and economics of these industries, t
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he authors argue that the political, technological and cultural changes on the global media scene have resulted in the reorganization of the Arab media field. They provide striking examples of this through the particular effects on media policies, media technology and the content and genres developed for the new generation of media consumers. As part of the book's overview of the contemporary characteristics of Arab media, the authors outline the development of the role of modern Arab media from a tool of mobilizing the public to a tool of commercial and symbolic profit. Overall, the volume illustrates how the Arab region represents a unique case where the commercialization and liberalization of selected media industries has gone hand in hand with continuous state intervention and an increasing self censorship." (Publisher description)
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"This book highlights the importance of the news media as watchdogs, agenda setters and gatekeepers for the quality of democratic deliberation in the public sphere. At the same time, it theorizes that the capacity of journalists and media systems to fulfill these roles depends on the broader context
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determined by the profession, the market and the state. Media systems' performance often falls far short of the ideals, as succesive case studies from different world regions demonstrate. Finally, the book asks what policy interventions work effectively to close the gap between the democratic promise and perfomance of the news media as an institution. The final chapter, "Policy recommendations", concludes (page 406): "Interventions include reforms directed at strengthening the journalistic profession, notably institutional capacity building, through bodies such as press councils, press freedom advocacy NGOs, and organizations concerned with journalistic training and accreditation. Other important reforms seek to overcome market failures, including developing a regulatory framework for media systems to ensure pluralism of ownership and diversity of contents. Finally, policies also address the role of the state, including deregulation to shift state-run broadcasting to public service broadcasting, overseen by independent broadcasting regulatory bodies, and the protection of constitutional principles of freedom of the press, speech, and expression." (commbox)
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"Since Turkey became a candidate for the European Union in 1999, democratic rights and freedom of expression have been key issues in discourses surrounding EU—Turkey relations. Discussions on these questions often centre on state censorship and legislative constraints. The role of the media themse
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lves, however, and the deeply-ingrained elements and historically-contingent norms and practices within public culture that shape the public sphere, have received a significantly lower level of attention. Despite recent legislative changes towards greater freedom of expression, major hurdles that limit democratic rights and freedoms persist in practice, as highlighted by the judicial trial (and the subsequent murder in January 2007) of the Armenian-Turkish journalist Hrant Dink. The police raid of Nokta magazine in 2007 is another case in point. The purpose of this article is to discuss current questions related with freedom of expression and tolerance of diversity in the Turkish media based on in-depth interviews with journalists and with the Dink and Nokta cases as examples; and to offer critical reflections on the public sphere in Turkey in its current state." (Abstract)
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"This collective report examines the principal dimensions of media policy in 14 European countries (Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Germany, Greece, Italy, Romania, Slovakia, Spain, Turkey and the UK), probing into the historical forces, national traditions and distinct politi
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cal and socio-economic contexts in which media policies have emerged and developed. The analysis explores the main instruments for media regulation in the countries under study, and assesses the implications of the established media policy strategies for democratic politics. The country chapters follow a similar structure. Following a brief introduction, the analysis focuses on the media landscape of the countries under review, offering an overview of the national media market (the press, broadcast media, online media and news agencies), as well as a discussion of the status of the journalistic profession and media literacy. The third section presents the major actors involved in media policymaking and proceeds with a succinct presentation and explanation of the national regulatory framework for the media, focusing mainly on structural and content regulation. The final section provides a critical assessment of the principal issues and trends that characterise the media policies of the countries under study, together with an assessment of the degree to which they enable the media to feed the democratic process. The report also contains a chapter discussing the media-related initiatives of the European Union and the Council of Europe, focusing on the interventions that are of relevance and importance to the protection and promotion of media freedom and independence." (Introductory note, page 10)
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This working paper is the result of a review of the work of Pax Christi in Morocco in the period 2007 – 2009. Pax Christi has co-organized a series of debates between Islamists and secularists in Morocco as part of a programme with Press Now entitled ‘Democratization through the media’. In the
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se debates, participants discussed about various actual political problems in Morocco.
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"In 2004-2005, the United States Agency for International Development’s (USAID) Office of Transition Initiatives commissioned Altai Consulting to conduct the first comprehensive media evaluation of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, looking at the impact of the Afghan media on opinions and behav
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iors three years after the beginning of the country’s reconstruction. The evaluation found, among other things: that Afghans were avid and sophisticated media users and that cultural barriers to media use were less significant than previously expected; that the radio played a predominant role throughout the country; and that media are instrumental in social progress and education. However, since publication of that report1, Afghanistan’s media sector has seen important changes. To inform future assistance from the international community to the Afghan media, it was deemed necessary to assess the current state of the Afghan media – by reflecting a full and accurate audience profile, to determine program preferences, to measure the impact of the Afghan media on local opinions and behaviors and to gauge Afghan expectations in terms of programming and messaging. A large-scale research project was thus planned and conducted from March to August 2010. This research included a deep probe into the media sector and the public’s behaviors and expectations. The methodology used to achieved this included a combination of: literature review; direct observations; key informant interviews with most relevant actors involved in the media sector; 6,648 close-ended interviews in more than 900 towns and villages of 106 districts, covering all 34 provinces of the country; an audience survey on more than 1,500 individuals run daily for a week; about 200 qualitative, open-ended interviews; and 10 community case studies. Such an effort guarantees that results presented here are fairly representative of the Afghan population at large. This document provides a comprehensive synthesis of data collected during the survey. A database of media actors, 16 priority district reports, 10 case study reports, a complete description of the methodology and the original datasets from the main quantitative research and the audience research are publicly available, allowing anyone interested to access more focused information as needed." (Introduction, page 8)
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[...] In dieser Ausgabe von OST-WEST. Europäische Perspektiven nehmen wir die Medien in Europa in den Blick. Wir fragen nach der Macht und dem Einfluss der „vierten Gewalt“, wie die Medien oft genannt werden, in Deutschland, nach den Perspektiven der Medienentwicklung in Mittel- und Osteuropa,
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schauen nach Polen, Bosnien, Rumänien. Ein wichtiger Blick gilt Russland, nimmt sich dort staatstreue Fernsehsender, gezähmte Printmedien und die blühende Vielfalt im Internet vor, die russische Medienlandschaft also. Wir fragen auch nach dem Medienmarkt und der Pressefreiheit in der Ukraine, die von Wirtschaftsakteuren und Politikern in die Zange genommen wird. Zwei Fachleute, aus Polen und aus Deutschland, äußern ihre Gedanken zur Ethik der Medien. Ethik: Das ist angesichts der zu beobachtenden, nicht nur europäischen Entwicklung im Medienbereich ein Thema, das immer mehr an Gewicht und Bedeutung gewinnt. Es kann uns nicht gleichgültig sein, welche Kriterien bei den Journalistinnen und Journalisten leitend oder nicht leitend sind. Auf dem Mediensektor in Ost und West herrscht derzeit das, was die Soziologen die „neue Unübersichtlichkeit“ nennen. Wir versuchen, mit unserem Medium eine Schneise zu schlagen, von der aus man links und rechts in den Wald schauen kann. Wichtig ist und bleibt: Ein Medium ist ein Medium – und nicht, wie ein weit verbreitetes Urteil sagt, die Botschaft." (Editorial)
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"This article analyses the re-emergence of clandestine radio in post-independence Zimbabwe, and how it has become an important tool for disseminating alternative viewpoints in an environment where democratic communicative space is restricted. The article focuses specifically on SW Radio Africa, one
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of the major clandestine radio stations that have been beaming into Zimbabwe since 2001. It argues, based on analysis of this radio station, that by suppressing clandestine radio through jamming signals and intimidating listeners, the government has inadvertently raised people's curiosity and made these stations more visible and more popular than they otherwise would have been. Further, it argues that Zimbabweans are not passive victims of state propaganda. Rather, they continue to devise new communicative spaces outside the dominant state media empire and access alternative viewpoints from an array of emerging platforms." (Abstract)
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"Obwohl der Mediensektor liberalisiert wurde, besitzen die staatlich kontrollierten Rundfunkanstalten – das wichtigste Informationsmedium für die Bevölkerungsmehrheit – in den meisten Ländern noch ein flächendeckendes Monopol; nur in den Städten und einigen kleinen ländlichen Regionen gibt
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es private Konkurrenz. Die Printmedien, darunter vor allem die privaten, die von entscheidender Bedeutung in den Demokratisierungsprozessen waren, haben zwar immer noch lediglich kleine Auflagen, verfügen aber über eine große Reichweite, die ihnen politischen Einfluss sichert. Die Deregulierung des Medienmarktes hat zwar Medienvielfalt, aber noch wenig Meinungsvielfalt und -freiheit bewirkt: Die Meinungsvielfalt ist durch oligopolistische Tendenzen im privaten Sektor, die Meinungsfreiheit noch immer von staatlicher Repression bedroht. In diesem Kontext hat sich ein eigener, teils käuflicher journalistischer Stil entwickelt, der zum einen von hohem parteilichem Engagement verbunden mit Verlautbarungsjournalismus, zum anderen von Kommerzialisierung und Boulevardisierung gekennzeichnet ist." (Seite 1)
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"The outcome of this study is a prototype for a European Media Pluralism Monitor – a riskbased, holistic, user-friendly and evolving monitoring tool that includes indicators of a legal, economic and socio-demographic nature. In order to account for the multi-faceted character of media pluralism, t
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hese indicators relate to various risk domains, including media ownership and/or control, media types and genres, political pluralism, cultural pluralism and geographic pluralism. Furthermore, they cover the various stages of the media value chain: supply, distribution and use. The Monitor offers a diagnostic, not a prescriptive tool on the basis of established risk management strategies. Its purpose is to facilitate the collection of empirical data on various risks for media pluralism given the particular economic, sociodemographic and legal situation in each Member State." (Page viii)
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"In den vergangenen Jahren hat Ghana einen großen Sprung gemacht, was die Achtung der Pressefreiheit und der Menschenrechte betrifft. Aber eine grundlegende qualitative Verbesserung der Medienlandschaft würde beinhalten, dass sich die Journalisten ihrer verantwortungsvollen Rolle in einer Demokrat
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ie bewusst sind und sich nicht nur an den Vorgaben der beiden großen Parteien orientieren." (Einleitung)
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"[...] It is clear that the importance of the media in sustenance and development of democracy is well recognised by stakeholders in Africa. This is evidenced by the existence of liberal media laws and regulation in democratic African countries. This then forces the conclusion that there is delibera
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te manipulation or disregard of the media laws so as to fit in with the needs of the few elites. Mostly those in position of power, as the case of Malawi has demonstrated. For instance, there seems to be a general consensus in the reviewed articles that the media in Malawi is largely owned and controlled by a group of elite politicians, through direct ownership and through regulation and censorship. Where they do not have direct access they resort to intimidation or harassment, this can be physical, mental and economical. Again, the literature has substantial evidence of such cases; we have seen how government in Malawi decides media houses that are to be given advertising revenue, a lifeblood of any media organisation; this works like a reward for those who are not, to become 'royal', so as to reap the rewards, as their colleagues." (Summary, page 27-28)
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"It is generally said that an independent press is vital for any democracy. However, the case in many African countries is that the independent or private press is weak and lacks credibility, although its assumed role as a cornerstone of young democracies is repeatedly stressed by commentators and p
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olicy-makers. This research investigates the role of the private press in Ethiopia since 1991, when democracy came to the country. Through interviews with 15 key actors in the media and political sector, it reflects on the role of the private media vis-à-vis Francis Kasoma’s theories of the independent press in Africa. From the Ethiopian perspective, the research takes on a slightly more pessimistic view of the role of the private newspapers in building democracy than what Kasoma concluded in light of his comparative research of media in Sub-Saharan countries in general. Findings indicate that the Ethiopian private press has had a pragmatic relationship with recognized professional and ethical standards; the private press has largely failed to represent and inform the citizens; and it has been generally politicized. However, the existence of the private press has also served as a caution for the government, although the press has had more of a symbolic role than being a real cornerstone of democracy." (Abstract)
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