"Broadly speaking, the Chinese media and internet economy experienced considerable growth from $524.17 billion in 2019 to $652.11 billion in 2021, despite the inhibiting impact of the COVID pandemic on growth in many sectors of the global economy. The Chinese media and internet economy— estimated
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at $652 billion in 2021 based on our assessment across 25 sectors—is now the second largest in the world. $1,288.4 billion in 2021, the largest in the world. Across the various sectors, market concentration tends to be more extreme in “telecoms & internet access sectors” (e.g. wireline and wireless) and “core internet applications” (e.g. search engines, mobile OS and desktop OS) than “online and traditional media services (content media)” sectors. While state media enterprises dominate “telecoms & internet access services” and “online and traditional media services (content media)” sectors, private Chinese firms are market leaders in many “core internet applications” except for mobile/desktop operating systems and mobile/desktop browsers sectors, where foreign players—Google, Apple, and Microsoft—have a stronghold." (Executive summary)
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"The analysis in this report relies on a detailed and comprehensive analysis across 22 distinct markets within three broad sets of industries: (a) Telecommunications and internet access, (b) Online and traditional media services, and (c) Core internet sectors. Through this structured approach, the r
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eport aims to provide a nuanced understanding of the evolving trends within Mexico's communication system and to address a simple yet profoundly important question: are the media—individually and collectively— becoming more or less concentrated? The data presented in this report reveal a pervasive trend of high concentration across nearly all sectors under examination. The majority of sectors demonstrated a high degree of concentration according to the Hirschman Herfindahl Index (HHI), with the Pay TV market recording a substantial HHI of 4444 points, and the Free-to-Air TV market following closely with 3522 points. To be sure, a few sectors bucked such trends, with radio, fixed telephony and internet access markets, for example, all registering HHI scores in the moderate range of the scale, as reported by the Federal Telecommunications Institute (IFT)." (Executive summary, page 1)
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"Turkey’s network media economy witnessed substantial growth between 2019 and 2021, especially in the wireless, digital music, digital games, and internet advertising sectors. All told, revenue increased sharply over this period from TRY 65.7 billion to TRY 95.1 billion. This, in turn, was nearly
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a five-fold increase from 2011, when a previous iteration of this study put total revenue across the media economy at TRY 20.4 billion. At the same time, however, traditional content media such as broadcast radio and television, newspapers, magazines, and books experienced minimal growth. The growth in digital content media is the outcome of a number of factors, including but not limited to the increase in mobile device ownership and internet access as well as the shift towards consumption of online information and entertainment. In telecoms and internet access services, Turk Telekom, Turkcell, and Vodafone consolidated their dominance across wireline, wireless, and ISP sectors due to the wellknown forces that drive high levels of concentration within each of these industries—extremely high fixed costs of investment, economies of scale and scope, and network effects—as well as the absence of cross-ownership restrictions. In broadcast television and newspaper sectors, Kalyon and Demiroren, two major conglomerates known for their close ties with the AKP government, wield significant influence. In broadcast television, state-owned TRT maintained its status as one of the key players. Foreign companies secured substantial market shares in various sectors, such as Vodafone in wireline, wireless, and ISP sectors; beIN Media in multichannel video distribution, and CJ Group, UIP, and Warner Bros. in film exhibition. Tech giants Alphabet, Meta and Microsoft dominated core internet sectors." (Conclusion, pages 50-51)
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"Between 2019 and 2021, the combined income of all the sectors studied increased by 44%. The sector with the most significant percentage growth is internet advertising, impacting other traditional media industries (newspapers, radio, and television) which have experienced a decrease in relative mark
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et share. Within the telecommunications sector, notable increases in income from ISPs, stable revenue for mobile telephony, and a decline in revenue from fixed telephony and the multichannel video distribution (MCVD) are observed. Overall, high levels of concentration exist in the media, telecommunications, and internet industries. The internet applications sector shows the highest concentration according to the CR4 indicator, followed by telecommunications, and then the media and cultural industries. When considering the HHI indicator, online news and the written press exhibit lower levels of concentration. Television demonstrates moderate yet important concentration. Compared to Argentina and Brazil, Chile has a higher number of broadcast TV channels competing for audience interest. Conversely, certain internet services showcase very high HHI values, hinting at near-monopoly situations. Over the three years under review, there is relative stability aside from declines in audiovisual streaming services. Netflix, initially facing challenges in Latin America, is now encountering heightened competition." (Executive summa[internal remarks]
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"The Taliban have revoked and suspended laws that included the right to access information and freedom of expression, and currently there is no effective legal mechanism to protect media outlets and journalists against interference and intimidation. This has led to widespread violation of the right
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to freedom of expression and access to information and has eliminated the ability of citizens to participate in government decision-making that impacts their lives. The findings of this report indicate that the Taliban, with complete disregard to Afghanistan’s international human rights commitments and the country’s pre-Taliban laws, have engaged in suppressing freedom of expression and media using various tools and methods, particularly imposing unlawful and discriminatory restrictions on women journalists. Currently, only a few women journalists are working with the media, conditional upon fully complying with the conditions set by the Taliban’s Ministry of Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of vice (MPVPV). In addition to this, the Taliban have engaged in persistent harassment and intimidation of media, arbitrary detention and torture of journalists, the detention and killing of protesters and imposing extensive restrictions on the activities of libraries, bookstores, and publishers. The provincial departments of MPVPV, Ministry of Information & Culture (MoIC), General Directorate of Intelligence (GDI), and Police Directorates are among the key institutions involved in suppression of freedom of expression and access to information. The Taliban have also dismantled accountability mechanisms such as independent judiciary, independent anti-corruption bodies and prevent media’s access to information on national budget expenditure, thus leading to administrative and financial corruption." (Introduction)
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"Erosion of Media Freedom in Afghanistan: Since the Taliban regained power in August 2021, media freedom in Afghanistan has drastically declined. Over half of the country's media outlets have closed, leading to widespread unemployment among journalists. The Taliban's media policies enforce strict ce
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nsorship, resulting in self-censorship and threats to journalists still working. As one journalist in Kabul said, "The media in Afghanistan is dead; we were forced out of our jobs, and those who remain face daily threats."
Severe Content Censorship: The Taliban has imposed strict regulations on media content, banning any reports that contradict their interpretation of Islamic values or Afghan national interests. As a result, 95% of journalists surveyed in Afghanistan reported facing restrictions when attempting to document and broadcast their work. "We are no longer allowed to report on incidents involving the Taliban, especially when it comes to conflicts within their ranks," shared a journalist from Badakhshan.
Gender-Based Discrimination and Exclusion: Female journalists have been systematically targeted, leading many to leave the profession. Women working in the media are subjected to strict limitations, such as being required to cover their faces while on air and being denied opportunities to work. This has effectively silenced female voices in Afghan media.
Arbitrary Detention and Physical Abuse: The Taliban have used arbitrary detention and physical abuse as tools to suppress independent journalism. Journalists are often detained without charge, held in poor conditions, and subjected to physical abuse. "Many of us live in fear of being arrested without cause," said one journalist who had been detained. The report found that 73% of detained journalists reported experiencing physical abuse during their detention.
Self-Censorship as a Survival Tactic: The pervasive atmosphere of fear and intimidation has led to widespread self-censorship among journalists, both within Afghanistan and in exile. This has resulted in a homogenized media landscape, with many journalists avoiding sensitive topics to protect themselves from potential repercussions. A journalist in Afghanistan said, "Many of us live in fear of being arrested without cause." (Key findings, page 6)
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"This report examines the state of media freedom in Afghanistan for the period from 15 August 2021 to 30 September 2024. Under the government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, the media sector grew exponentially in the country, leading to the broadening of media platforms and greater access to
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more diverse domestic sources of news and information. However, after 15 August 2021, a large number of media outlets ceased their operations. This has been attributed to different factors, including loss of revenue stemming from the overall economic difficulties of the country, the withdrawal of donor support after the Taliban takeover, an exodus of journalists, as well as various restrictions imposed by the de facto authorities. The de facto authorities continue to create an extremely challenging operating environment for media, including but not limited to censorship and difficulties in accessing information. Additionally, journalists and media workers are subjected to intimidation, arbitrary arrest and detention, ill-treatment, court proceedings and imprisonment for performing their functions.
The de facto authorities’ measures interfering with editorial content and internal operation of media outlets have substantially diminished media freedom. Between 15 August 2021 to 30 September 2024, UNAMA HRS documented instances of human rights violations affecting 336 journalists and media workers – 256 instances of arbitrary arrest and detention (249 men, 7 women), 130 torture and ill-treatment (122 men, 8 women) and 75 threats or intimidation (66 men, 9 women). The lack of transparent procedures in determining violations and the use of intimidation, arbitrary arrests and detentions on those who criticize the de facto authorities create a culture of self-censorship and negatively impact freedom of expression.
On 19 September 2021, the de facto authorities’ “Government Media and Information Centre” issued an 11-Point Guidance to media, forbidding the publication of content deemed contrary to Islam and Afghan culture, or more broadly deemed to be against national interests. Media are often required to co-ordinate and seek approval from the de facto authorities prior to publishing a report, while news agendas are subjected to pre-vetting, which is tantamount to censorship. What constitutes content in violation of the guidance on editorial content is subject to broad and uncertain interpretation. Nonetheless, the fact that violations, or perceived violations, can lead to severe punishment creates a pervasive culture of self-censorship among journalists. As these instructions aim at limiting the range of permissible topics for public discourse and in penalizing media outlets being critical of the de facto authorities, they are incompatible with the conditions needed to limit freedom of expression under the ICCPR." (Executive summary, page 3)
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"As South Africa adopts reforms to further strengthen its economy across multiple sectors, this country review presents the policy, legislative, and governance frameworks that are enabling South Africa’s digital transformation. It includes a review of key institutions and collaborative digital reg
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ulation practices, as well as common themes related to digital sector policies and frameworks. This review draws on policy, legal, and regulatory instruments in place and it reflects the insights and challenges based on the research and analysis of official document, interviews conducted with public- and private-sector stakeholders and exchanges with the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (ICASA). The report also leverages ITU resources, including the Unified framework to assess the state of readiness of policy, governance, and legal frameworks that are enabling digital transformation in South Africa. This country review concludes with high-level recommendations and suggested next steps for collaborative digital regulation and includes considerations of ongoing global discussions related to digital technologies and services." (Introduction)
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"1. Un asunto de identidad: No existe una única definición de lo que es una radio católica y esa circunstancia que puede ser sana también genera división en los medios. [...]
2. Medios para la comunión: Una conclusión que se desprende de las entrevistas aquí realizadas es que los medios poc
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o se comunican entre sí. [...]
3. La financiación: No existe un solo medio en la región que pueda decir que sus finanzas son las más sanas, que no necesita inyección económica alguna o que no desea mejorar sus ingresos. [...]
4. El limbo de la legalidad: Todo medio de comunicación católico se caracteriza, de acuerdo a las conversaciones sostenidas para realizar este libro, por tener una concesión o permiso dentro de la legalidad y si carece de ello es claro que el silencio de los entes reguladores constituye un “permiso” para emitir. [...]
5. La formación y capacitación: Algunos medios de comunicación son robustos en la formación eclesial pero débiles en la capacitación radial. Otros, los menos, son sólidos en lo radial pero flácidos en lo eclesial. [...]
6. Hacia la creatividad: Las radios católicas, en general, proponen a sus audiencias contenidos de fondo, interesantes, formativos, etc. sin embargo su profundidad no se compadece con las formas de presentarlos. [...]
7. La incidencia: Los medios católicos no son protagonistas en la vida de sus regiones y no lo hacen porque no quieren tener problemas con nadie. [...]
8. El sueño de hacer red: Una tarea aplazada en las frecuencias regionales es el trabajo en red del cual se habla, pero no se cristaliza. [...]
9. Evangelizar en una nueva cultura: La experiencia de los medios eclesiales en el entorno digital es concluyente, son más las necesidades que las fortalezas que se tienen. [...]
10. La importancia de las audiencias: Evangelizar al pueblo de Dios ya evangelizado es un círculo vicioso y quizá hasta nocivo para cualquier medio en la medida en que él solo se va cerrando a nuevas posibilidades de escucha. [...]" (Conclisiones, páginas 245-256)
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