"La violencia contra los periodistas no es un hecho aislado. Esta es una práctica presente en países de todo el mundo y que se caracteriza por la impunidad que rodea a las muertes de comunicadores de diversos medios de comunicación. Esta situación no solo deja impune el crimen, también impide y
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trunca la relación de la información con la comunidad. Cuando estos actos se llevan a cabo, se vulnera la persistencia de la libertad de expresión, el funcionamiento y el propósito de los medios de comunicación, la confianza en la investigación periodística y las fronteras del miedo. Consciente de la gravedad de la situación, Marisol Cano investiga en este libro diez organizaciones internacionales de defensa de la libertad de expresión [Article 19, CPI, Fedración Internacional de Periodistas FIP, Freedom House, International Media Support, International News Safety Institute INSI, Reporteros sin fronteras, Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa, UNESCO, WAN-IFRA] mediante una metodología cualitativa que hace uso de técnicas de investigación como el análisis documental, el análisis de contenido y la entrevista estructurada. De esta forma, logra construir un marco global analítico de la lucha frente a la violencia contra los periodistas en la primera década del siglo XXI que le permite conocer el discurso sobre la libertad de expresión, sus formas de evaluación, las decisiones de las organizaciones para intervenir en determinados contextos, los procesos de protección de los periodistas y el perfil de las organizaciones encargadas de su bienestar. En un mundo tan conectado, el periodismo ya no es un asunto que pueda limitarse a las fronteras nacionales o a contextos locales, su accionar atañe a la comunidad internacional y las repercusiones que se derivan de su silenciamiento es un asunto que demanda el compromiso y la responsabilidad de toda la humanidad." (Resumen)
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"The visual presentation of the Serb accused in TV news was based on iconic images of the accused combined with symbolic images of the state and its power, with nearly complete absence of visuals of atrocities and victims. In contrast, the visual presentation of the Croatian, Bosniak and Albanian de
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fendants draws meaning mainly from sequences of images displaying victims, war destruction or attacks as “palpable” proof of crimes. This supports a sentiment of collective victimhood of the Serb population and creates the impression of the indicted persons’ guilt even after their acquittals by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). Since the research project has been limited to three Serb TV channels, comparative work on TV media in other states of former Yugoslavia would be required in order to assess how ’special’ the case of Serbia is regarding these visual strategies. The much disputed legitimacy of the ICTY and the important role of media have also become obvious in focus groups interviews with students in Serbia: The students displayed a striking lack of knowledge about war crimes; nonetheless, they strongly rejected the ICTY as a biased institution. At the same time, they were perceptive of new facts and interpretations, showing that they have a genuine need to understand the past and obtain objective information. A major problem is that in their perception there are few, if any, objective, neutral institutions which to put trust in. The expert interviews, conducted in Belgrade and The Hague, underlined the critical state of mainstream TV media in Serbia: They were assessed as not really independent, driven by entertainment formats, suspect to governmental pressure and failing in their watchdog functions. The interviewees also expressed a widespread disappointment about the state of affairs of transitional justice in Serbia." (Summary)
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"This study presents a snapshot of the framing used in reporting on Syria. To ensure a diverse representation, the sample includes a selection of domestic (Syrian) and pan-Arab media organisations, whose alleged preferences towards the dominant parties in the Syrian conflict are mixed. The findings
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of the research show that many partisan media demonstrate significant polarising in their reporting. These media present biased, graphic and emotive images to their audiences. The black and white portrayal by these media dehumanises groups of people and has the potential to exacerbate tensions in Syria even further. Independent outlets are noticeable for their neutrality in reporting. Also, these media outlets diverge in their use of framing: rather than acting as a mouthpiece for a political actor, they follow their individual organisation’s editorial line." (Executive summary, page 3)
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"Suicide attempt rates are on the rise in predominantly Islamic Republic of Pakistan. However, there exists an indigenous academic apathy toward exploring media-suicide relationships. This study, using content analysis and interviews, examines the lack of compliance with international ethical guidel
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ines for suicide reporting by Pakistani newspapers. In 553 reported suicide cases, 2,355 guideline violations were detected. The overall tone of suicide news stories remained overwhelmingly irresponsible, and analysis indicates that both Urdu and English language newspapers made similar violations. Largely ignorant of international standards, Pakistani journalists report attempted suicide cases just like any other crime. This study suggests a prompt action on the part of appropriate bodies to amend relevant codes of ethics and eventually educate relevant journalist fraternities to report suicides in a socially responsible way." (Abstract)
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"The information ecosystem in DRC is fragmented and fragile. It is characterised by a great number of media outlets, however their level of professionalism is low and their vulnerability to partisan capture is high. This fragility is replicated in the online space. The Congolese population rely heav
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ily on informal sources of information such as word of mouth, interpersonal communication with family and friends. The scarcity of reliable information open avenues for the rumours and misinformation to spread. This context presents serious challenges for the promotion of good governance and accountability that requires well informed citizens. To better address those challenges, it is necessary to understand the main sources and dynamics of information flows both offline and online, and through media and non-media channels. A consortium composed of Fondation Hirondelle (FH), Demos, Harvard Humanitarian Initiative (HHI) and the Institut Congolais de Recherche en Développement et Etudes Stratégiques (ICREDES) was created in order to provide a more holistic view of the Congolese information ecosystem and to identify opportunities for entry. Due to the limited time and resources of the study, and because of the pre-existing networks and capacities of the consortium in this region, its focus is on North Kivu. To identify the voices, networks and themes that dominated this information ecosystem in this region, three levels of analysis were chosen: 1. The sources and level of information of the local populations. This analysis was provided by HHI that implemented household surveys of large samples of populations in Eastern DRC; 2. The sources of information of local journalists. This analysis was provided by FH that surveyed a network of 18 local radios in North Kivu; 3. The network and content analysis of digital and social media provided by DEMOS [...] Findings: Radio is the primary media source of information for the population of Eastern DRC (78% of the sample listens to it occasionally and 43% daily [...] The main sources of information depend on the context and the nature of the information people are seeking [...] The results highlight the lack of reliability of information sources (46% of respondents expressed a moderate to high level of confidence in local radio, and 39% for national radio) ..." (Executive summary)
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"Based on literature review and interviews with journalists, we argue that the BRICS countries are constructing a collective vision, guided by logics of recognition and of transformation. The production of discourse reaches its high point during the BRICS leaders’ summits. To go beyond analysis of
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the discourse revealed in the media, this article examines projects, thereby aiming to qualify and label the justificatory discourses, in order to develop an understanding of intentions. The BRICS countries have become a reference point as the press increasingly makes comparisons between these countries. The notion of recognition, present in the political elites, also appears as a part of the public imagination and in the press. The leaders too seek transformation. The first official multilateral institution founded by the BRICS countries was the New Development Bank. Current efforts indicate the development of common scientific and technological research initiatives and official support for the establishment of an innovative BRICS Network University. Initiatives will appear as these countries try to consolidate their position." (Abstract)
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"In Deutschland nutzen laut ARD/ZDF-Online-Studie von 2018 zwei Drittel der 14- bis 29-Jährigen täglich YouTube, bei Kindern dürfte der Anteil sogar noch höher liegen. Sie wollen sich damit in erster Linie zerstreuen. Die Auswertung der deutschen Top-100-Kanäle ergab: über ein Drittel bietet U
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nterhaltung (Comedy, Streiche, Wettkämpfe, Video-Tagebücher); ein Viertel sind reine Musikkanäle; 15 % der Angebote sind primär durch Spiele (Gaming) geprägt; knapp zehn Prozent der Videokanäle sind dem Bereich Beauty & Lifestyle zuzuordnen; gerade einmal vier Kanäle beschäftigen sich im weiten Sinne mit Politik und Wissen. Eine herausragende Stellung als Akteure nehmen dabei die so genannten Influencer ein. Diese digitalen Meinungsführer spielen in 56 der Top-100-Kanäle die Hauptrolle, unter den Top 20 sind allein 15 Influencer vertreten. Influencer wollen und sollen auf ihr Publikum „authentisch“ wirken, in jedem Fall haben sie Einfluss auf die Identitätsbildung von Jugendlichen und vor allem Kindern. Häufig auf sehr einseitige Weise und – nimmt man die Bildungsansprüche der Aufklärung als Bewertungsgrundlage – meist nicht zum Guten. Während Umfragen zeigen, dass die ‚Jugend von heute‘ weltoffen, pragmatisch und bis zu einem gewissen Grade auch postmaterialistisch eingestellt ist, predigt die große Mehrheit der digitalen Meinungsführer einen ungezügelten Konsum und führt dem jungen Publikum tradierte Rollenbilder von Mann und Frau vor. Auffällig ist zudem die hohe Quote (43 %) von Influencern mit Migrationshintergrund bei den deutschen Top-100-Kanälen – ein Hinweis darauf, dass migrantische Publizisten so einen leichteren Zugang zum Mediensystem als über die klassischen Medien finden. Insgesamt zeigt sich, dass die implizit gesellschaftspolitischen Botschaften tendenziell neoliberalen (Konsumismus) oder konservativen Charakter (tradierte Geschlechterrollen) haben." (Zusammenfassung, Seite 6-7)
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"L’objet de ce livre est de décrire le système médiatique français et sa manière de traiter les conflits libyen et syrien à l’aune du « modèle de propagande » mis sur pied par Edward Hermann et Noam Chomsky dans les années 1980, dans leur ouvrage de référence Manufacturing Consent. A
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insi, à rebours de l’image d’Epinal de médias consciencieux, impartiaux et garants de la vérité que les journalistes aiment renvoyer, cet essai tente de démontrer comment un large consensus structure la présentation qui est faite de l’actualité en matière internationale. De la prédominance des partis pris et de l’instrumentalisation généralisée des informations — entre autres — se dégage une nouvelle manière de voir le discours médiatique et de comprendre sa nature propagandiste." (Dos de couverture)
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"Les médias reflètent-ils les sociétés telles qu’elles sont aujourd’hui ou bien ne reflètent-ils que les tendances majoritaires ? Comment mettre en lumière les différences et les particularismes sans encourager le communautarisme et contribuer aux divisions ? Le rôle des médias est-il d
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e rapporter les faits ou de contribuer activement à une certaine vision de la société ? Les critères professionnels du journalisme sont-ils suffisants pour éviter les discours de haine et les messages exacerbant les tensions communautaires ? Lancé par CFI et le centre SKeyes pour la liberté de la presse et de la culture (de la Fondation Samir Kassir), le projet Naseej – qui signifie « tissage » en arabe – s’appuie sur les médias pour restaurer et maintenir un débat équilibré autour de ces questions. En examinant ce que les médias libanais, syriens et irakiens publient et diffusent, le langage utilisé, les concepts promus, les groupes qui y sont représentés et ceux qui ne le sont pas, Naseej tente de promouvoir une vision inclusive du journalisme. L’objet n’est pas de demander aux journalistes de restaurer la paix ou d’éviter les conflits, mais de contribuer à l’émergence de conditions plus propices au dialogue à travers une meilleure qualité d’information vérifiée et professionnelle, évitant les généralisations et les stéréotypes. Il n’est pas de demander aux médias d’accorder un traitement privilégié aux minorités face à la majorité, mais de mettre en lumière les difficultés auxquelles font face les citoyens, tous les citoyens, quelles que soient leurs appartenances. Ce livret présente la synthèse d’une étude, réalisée en octobre 2017, sur la couverture médiatique de la diversité dans les médias irakiens, libanais et syriens, réalisée par la Fondation Adyan et la Fondation Samir Kassir." (Introduction)
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"Despite having a robust child protection framework and a burgeoning media, child rights abuse still occurs in Uganda. This takes the form of child neglect, defilement, torture, trafficking. The researchers set out to investigate media coverage of child rights issues in Uganda. A triangulation of me
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thods was used, and as will be shown later, reporting on child rights abuses is not systematic due to fragmentation of actors. The researchers found out that 185 child abuse stories were published in The New Vision in 2015. Most of the published stories were from the country’s capital – Kampala. The other obstacles to effective child rights reporting identified are as follows: concentration of reporters in urban areas, lack of special training in child rights reporting and commercial interests of media houses. The researchers recommend recruiting and training journalists to specifically report on issues of child rights and empowering upcountry reporters where many cases are committed." (Abstract)
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"During the 2018 electoral period in Zimbabwe, Media Monitors monitored mainstream media to assess the nature of election coverage with a focus on three issues: Fair and balanced coverage of political players, the media’s role in informing the public on electoral processes, and professional and et
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hical conduct by the media. In the final assessment, Media Monitors concluded that while the election agenda dominated on all media platforms, continued polarised coverage affected the media’s capacity to be fair and balanced, there was a lack of equitability and gender bias. Professionally, there was lack of objectivity in the journalists’ reporting, which manifested itself in the form of unbalanced coverage, denial of the right of reply, lack of follow up to issues raised and failure to distinguish between government activities and political campaigns." (https://www.mediasupport.org)
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"The study found that the media gives only 12% coverage to inequality issues in Ghana. Thus, across the 22 media outlets, 783 stories focused on inequalities out of a total of 6,477 stories monitored. It was also observed the media’s attention is largely focused on social inequalities overlooking
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other forms like economic and political inequalities among citizens. Moreover, 68% of the stories that focused on inequalities were generated through already made or routine news sources such as coverage of press conferences and events, as against enterprising means of generating stories. This indicates the media’s lackluster commitment to the coverage of inequality issues. The study further found that 6 out 10 of the stories on inequality were framed episodically. Thus, majority of the stories were treated as single, isolated incidents of inequality rather than being part of a bigger or broader issue of widespread inequality. It is, therefore, recommended that, given the gap in inequality reporting as observed through the study, journalists and editors are trained to increase their knowledge on inequality issues and also equipped with the requisite skills to report inequalities for impact and policy redress." (Executive summary)
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"Como parte de un proyecto sobre desinformación, el centro de Internet y Sociedad Linterna Verde, en asocio con la Fundación para la Libertad de Prensa, presenta un informe que monitorea los discursos de género –tanto de candidatos presidenciales como de sus fórmulas– a través del análisis
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de cerca de 45 mil entradas en Facebook y Twitter. Este ejercicio se realizó en compañía de Colnodo, que promueve la apropiación de tecnologías de la información y las comunicaciones con un enfoque de género. El ‘Polígrafo de Género’ permitió no sólo ver cómo las candidatas a la vicepresidencia han hablado de la mujer, sino también constatar que han sido ellas y no sus fórmulas presidenciales masculinas las que en últimas han empujado esta agenda –más allá del enfoque que escogieron–. Para algunas organizaciones de mujeres esta visibilidad no implicó siempre una mayor profundidad. Aunque las candidatas mencionaron temas que habían estado tradicionalmente invisibilizados, como la economía del cuidado o la reducción de la violencia contra la mujer, otros igualmente relevantes estuvieron ausentes." (Página web flip.org.co)
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"This report was commissioned to examine the nature and quality of media stories produced by journalists supported by the Voices of African Migrants pilot programme (see http://migrantvoices.org), managed by International Media Support (IMS), in four migration ‘Hubs’ in Africa, and explored how
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local audiences interpreted and responded to those stories. It used content analysis, interviews and focus group discussions. The research findings show that most stories used human interest frames and foregrounded migrant experiences. The migrants’ main contributions to the stories were to provide a human face to hardships and suffering. Meanwhile, NGOs were included to provide facts, statements of general causes of migrations, statistics, and a sense of scale. Government statements were used to provide a comment on policies and solutions. Most articles were supportive in their sentiments to the plight of migrants. Participants in the focus groups (especially migrants themselves) recognised that migrant voices were missing from mainstream media reporting on migration, that reporting on migration tends to be negative, and that there are pressing issues relating to migration that need to be discussed in the public sphere. Focus group participants generally responded with empathy and understanding in response to stories about the hardships migrants face. Some stories provoked a distancing or disruption to understanding, especially when an aspect of the story did not match their prior tacit or cultural knowledge about migration. A small number of stories deeply moved focus group participants." (Executive summary)
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"En esta investigación se detecta que las noticias de violencia contra la mujer basada en género, emitidas en la radio y televisión, en su gran mayoría, no han sido producidas con enfoque de género, alimentan estereotipos y representaciones distorsionadas de la mujer; refuerzan mensajes violent
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os; y, por ende, no contribuyen con la prevención de más situaciones de violencia [...] La mayoría de las informaciones son noticias simples con un enfoque presentista donde únicamente se narra el hecho, no se contextualiza, no se explican causas, no se presenta información que pudiera ayudar a evitar más actos violentos." (Conclusiones)
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"In sum, the representation of the several discussed topics – regional unions, regional cooperation organizations such as the EAEU, CIS, CSTO; Kyrgyz-Uzbek relations, Kyrgyz-Kazakh border conflict, Kyrgyz-Tajik relations and border issues, Central Asian integration, Central Asia and Caucasus, Cent
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ral Asia and Ukraine, Central Asia and Moldova, Russia as regional power etc. – provides a rich example of how differently the 15 websites frame the partnership between Central Asia, Caucasus, Ukraine and Moldova. Topics about Kyrgyzstan’s relationships with neighboring Central Asian countries are prevalent in most state-owned media." (Conclusion, page 35)
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