"Cartooning for Peace is an international network of committed press cartoonists who use humour to fight for respect for cultures and freedoms: 344 cartoonists in 78 countries [...]
Our values. Cartooning for Peace is attached to the respect for pluralism of cultures and opinions. In the events we
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organize, exhibitions, publications and international meetings, we are mindful to show the diversity of cartoonists’ perspectives on a given subject. Cartooning for Peace fights against prejudice and intellectual conformism. Towards extremism, we denounce the excesses, we mock the false certainties, counteract odium and strive to dismount impostures. Cartooning for Peace is respectful in disrespect. We do not seek to humiliate the beliefs and opinions. We circumvent interdicts with humour. Cartooning for Peace takes into account the risk that a cartoon published on the Web can appear out of context, within seconds, in every corner of the globe. Our organization is vigilant to prevent press cartoon from becoming an aggravating factor of conflicts. Cartooning for Peace offers editorial content. Convinced that cartoonists often foretell acutely before everyone, the stirrings of society which will make news tomorrow, we strive to bring forward debates that our societies are not even yet aware of.
Our actions. Cartooning for Peace allows cartoonists to interact with each other and to confront their different ideological opinions. Our network provides visibility and support for those who are unable to work freely or whose freedom is threatened. Cartooning for Peace uses the educational value of press cartoon to denounce intolerances. Our organization gives young people a voice and raises their awareness on major societal problems. Cartooning for Peace brings press cartoon closer to the public. We organize meetings between cartoonists and the public, and set up thematic exhibitions showing a critical look of society. We also publish press cartoons, in paper or digital form. Cartooning for Peace is a tool serving freedom of expression: a forum and a meeting place for all those who challenge intolerance and all forms of dogmatism." (https://www.cartooningforpeace.org/en/presentation)
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"This joint submission was prepared for the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) of Indonesia in November 2022. In it, Amnesty International and the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) evaluate the implementation of recommendations made to Indonesia in its previous UPR, including in relation to hum
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an rights issues in Papua, attacks and intimidations towards human rights defenders, and discrimination against religious minorities. It also assesses the national human rights framework with regard to, especially, civic space. This submission highlights problematic laws that may threaten the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly, such as treason and blasphemy offences in the Criminal Code, and the Electronic Information and Transactions (EIT) Law which criminalises hate speech and defamation. This submission also discusses the lack of a comprehensive framework for the protection of human rights defenders and environmental activists. With regard to the human rights situation on the ground, Amnesty International and the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) raise concern about the state of shrinking civic space in Indonesia, indicated by, but not limited to, the increasing attacks - both physical and digital - faced by human rights defenders and journalists, as well as criminalisation of peaceful protests and political expressions using problematic laws." (Summary)
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"Between January 2019 and May 2022, Amnesty International recorded at least 328 physical and/or digital attacks directed against civil society, resulting in a total of at least 834 victims. The victims include human rights defenders (HRDs), activists, journalists, environmental defenders, students,
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and protestors, while the alleged perpetrators of the attacks and intimidation include both state and non-state actors. This report highlights recent repressive tendencies in Indonesia with reference to some of the cases recorded by Amnesty International between January 2019 and May 2022. The report is based on 52 interviews carried out with HRDs, activists, students, lawyers and journalists, as well as media reports and case files. The report exposes how the space for civil society in Indonesia has shrunk during this period as a result of an ongoing assault on the rights to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, association, personal security and freedom from arbitrary detention." (Executive summary)
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"This document looks into the human rights violations committed against two specific groups who play important roles for the enjoyment of the right to peaceful assembly. The first group – public assembly monitors – performs a watchdog function by recording how rigorously the authorities observe
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their human rights obligations in the context of public assemblies. The other group – media workers – ensures that society is informed about public assemblies and concerns that have brought people to the streets, and reports on how the protests have been handled by the authorities. The report documents a pattern of unlawful obstruction of journalists’ and monitors’ work during street protests, and severe reprisals against them including arbitrary arrests, use of unlawful force, detention and heavy fines." (Back cover)
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"According to a survey conducted by Reporters without Borders (RSF) in December 2021, from 10,790 people working in Afghan media (8,290 men and 2,490 women) at the start of August 2021, only 4,360 (3,950 men and 410 women) were still working and the number may reduce even further. For this survey, d
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ata were collected through online and in-person manual surveys in May 2022. The questionnaire included 23 questions and was completed by 308 respondents in Dari (75.97%) and Pashto (24.03%). All 100 percent respondents were female. The survey largely represented reporters (54.87%), followed by journalists (19.16%), producers (9.74%), presenters (3.90%) and others (12.01%). [...] A majority of respondents (67.86%) reported that they have lost their jobs since the de facto authorties’ takeover of Afghanistan in August. The highest ratio of respondents having lost their jobs compared to the respondents interviewed were in Bamyan (100%), followed by Kandahar (91%), Balkh (85%), Badakhshan (68%) and Kabul (62%). 60.39% of respondents reported that they have felt ‘major changes’ since the collapse of the former government. In addition, 28.90% respondents reported changes in some cases. As for the level of restrictions imposed on reporting since the de facto authorities’ takeover of power, an astounding 80.52% of respondents reported the case to be ‘very restricted’. As far as the reporting autonomy is concerned, 45.13% respondents mentioned that ‘Government Interferences have Increased’, while 35.71% responded as ‘Bad’ meaning the independency in journalists’ reporting is bad.
46.75% of respondents mentioned that the de facto authorities’ spokespersons do not respond to female journalists, followed by 29.55% who mentioned that they do respond, but just in some cases. All 100% of the respondents reported that they have received some kind of threat since the de facto authorities have taken over the power, and reported the major threat against female journalists to be the new restrictions imposed by the de facto authorities (52.9%), followed by the gender-based discrimination (18.8%), and threats posed by extremist groups (16.9%). A majority of the respondents (55.19%) reported that they were restricted from their work specifically due to their outfit/sense of clothing and some (27.92%) reported that they have experienced the same but to some extent only." (Executive summary, pages 5-6)
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"Beginning in August 2017, the Myanmar security forces undertook a brutal campaign of ethnic cleansing against Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar’s Northern Rakhine State. A UN investigation found that the role of Facebook in the violence was “significant”. This report is based on an in-depth investi
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gation into Meta (formerly Facebook)’s role in the serious human rights violations perpetrated against the Rohingya. It reveals that in the months and years leading up to the 2017 atrocities, the Facebook platform became an echo chamber of virulent anti-Rohingya content in Myanmar. Meta’s algorithms proactively amplified and promoted content which incited violence, hatred, and discrimination against the Rohingya – pouring fuel on the fire of long-standing discrimination and substantially increasing the risk of an outbreak of mass violence. Despite its partial acknowledgement that it played a role in the 2017 violence against the Rohingya, Meta has to date failed to provide an effective remedy to affected Rohingya communities. However, Amnesty International’s systematic legal analysis of Meta’s role in the atrocities perpetrated against the Rohingya leaves little room for doubt: Meta substantially contributed to adverse human rights impacts suffered by the Rohingya and has a responsibility to provide survivors with an effective remedy." (Back cover)
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"This report is the product of an effort to understand the scale and scope of “transnational repression,” in which governments reach across national borders to silence dissent among their diaspora and exile communities. Freedom House assembled cases of transnational repression from public source
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s, including UN and government documents, human rights reports, and credible news outlets, in order to generate a detailed picture of this global phenomenon.
The project compiled a catalogue of 608 direct, physical cases of transnational repression since 2014. In each incident, the origin country’s authorities physically reached an individual living abroad, whether through detention, assault, physical intimidation, unlawful deportation, rendition, or suspected assassination. The list includes 31 origin states conducting physical transnational repression in 79 host countries. This total is certainly only partial; hundreds of other physical cases that lacked sufficient documentation, especially detentions and unlawful deportations, are not included in Freedom House’s count. Nevertheless, even this conservative enumeration shows that what often appear to be isolated incidents—an assassination here, a kidnapping there—in fact represent a pernicious and pervasive threat to human freedom and security.
Moreover, physical transnational repression is only the tip of the iceberg. The consequences of each physical attack ripple out into a larger community. And beyond the physical cases compiled for this report are the much more widespread tactics of “everyday” transnational repression: digital threats, spyware, and coercion by proxy, such as the imprisonment of exiles’ families. For millions of people around the world, transnational repression has become not an exceptional tool, but a common and institutionalized practice used by dozens of regimes to control people outside their borders." (Executive summary)
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"El presente documento es un resumen del Informe Regional de Vulneración de Derechos Humanos en la Panamazonía. Recoge 13 casos de violación sistemática a los derechos humanos de diferentes pueblos indígenas, comunidades campesinas y ribereñas de Colombia, Brasil, Ecuador, Perú y Bolivia. La
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lucha de estas comunidades por alcanzar una vida digna y cuidar la casa común ha sido larga, dolorosa y frustrante. Sin embargo, gracias al apoyo de organizaciones comprometidas, aliadas y vinculadas a la Red Eclesial Panamazónica (REPAM) ha sido posible recoger sus demandas, propuestas y llevarlas al más alto para demandar respeto a sus derechos y dignidad como seres humanos." (Introducción)
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"The Internet Shutdown policy implemented at Papua and West Papua in 2019 has created a competing narrative between the government and the civil society. The main narration championed to justify the Internet Shutdown by the government is the concern of the national security whereas the civil society
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argues that Internet Shutdown is a form of human rights violation. These competing narratives brought forth a new sort of dynamics in a polemic surrounding a policy. This paper aims to discuss the dynamics between people and state where cyber power plays a huge role within the context of the polemic surrounding Internet Shutdown policy in Papua and West Papua. Data is gathered through interviews with stakeholders and various media content relating to the issue analyzed qualitatively. Results find that the interaction between people, state, and cyber power in the Internet Shutdown policy paints a dynamic picture involving repression, delegations of cyber power, and the future where Indonesia is heading into a paradox where it exists as a democratic country being under a digital authoritarianism regime." (Abstract)
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"China’s Integrated Joint Operations Platform (IJOP) operates in Xinjiang by collecting Big Data and alerting authorities to those it deems potentially harmful to the CCP regime. It does so through two major devices: the mobile phone, and the camera. These act as tools of disablement constraining
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Uighur mobility and settlement. Uighurs are now obligated to carry smartphones, on which police mandate “nanny apps” to monitor Uighurs through their devices. The Jingwang (“cleansing the web”) app not only tracks Uighurs’ movement, but also records and extracts all messages, internet use, contacts, photographs, and files. These are then amalgamated by IJOP which uses keyword searches to compare the data to its list of potential crimes, which include prayer, visiting banned websites, and other petty accusations. IJOP then decides who is considered a threat and will thus be arrested, and who will simply continue to be monitored." (Page 6)
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"This report presents the results of in-depth interviews conducted with eight individuals with recent direct experience inside detention facilities in China’s Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR). Findings are based on four face-to-face and four remote interviews conducted between November 201
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9 and May 2020 [...] Many detainees were unclear about the reasons behind their initial arrests and grappled with why they were targeted. Justifications for detaining interviewees included innocuous differences in appearance or behavior, perceived by the state as indicators of religiosity or Uyghur nationalism. Some got no explanation for their arrests. Two participants heard police directly mention being given quotas or financial incentives for Uyghur arrests [...] Participants recommended that RFA continue to convey the reality of the ongoing repression in the Uyghur region in as transparent and high-profile a way as possible. Participants said that international coverage failed to present the reality of Uyghurs’ experiences in the XUAR in sufficient scale and depth. To address this, they recommended that RFA: Continues to provide detailed, factually strong reports about conditions within the XUAR, supported by photographic and video materials whenever possible; Focus on original reporting rather than translating reports from other outlets; Humanize Uyghurs in general and detainees in particular, sharing their real lives and stories, challenging the PRC narrative portraying them as Islamic extremists or terrorists; Broadcast more interviews with émigrés who had direct experience of detention – including those who were detained in pre-trial facilities rather than re-education camps; Translate content into other languages, including Mandarin and Russian." (Executive summary)
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"Governments with strict control over the information that their citizens hear from foreign sources are regular targets of human rights pressure, but we know little about how this information matters in the domestic realm. I argue that authoritarian regimes strategically pass on certain types of ext
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ernal pressure to their public to “internationalize” human rights violations, making citizens view human rights in terms of defending their nation internationally rather than in terms of individual violations, and making them more likely to be satisfied with their government’s behavior. I find strong support for this model through statistical analysis of Chinese state media reports of external human rights pressure and a survey experiment on Chinese citizens’ responses to pressure on women’s rights. This analysis demonstrates that authoritarian regimes may be able to manipulate international human rights diplomacy to help them retain the support of their population while suppressing their human rights." (Abstract)
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"Every year, hundreds of human rights defenders, humanitarian workers and journalists and media workers are killed around the world – simply for doing their job. Hundreds more are threatened, sexually harassed, kidnapped, arrested, imprisoned or otherwise targeted. This briefing paper is the preli
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minary output of research undertaken in an effort to inform or inspire action among the media support, human rights and humanitarian sectors to address pressing safety and protection issues. The paper seeks not only to identify com¬monalities between these sectors, but to identify possible areas for future collaboration and cooperation to address issues of safety and impunity." (Publisher description)
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"En el presente informe, la CIDH pudo constatar cómo el incremento de las actividades extractivas en la Amazonía ha causado efectos de deforestación y ha creado tensiones por el uso de la tierra y sus recursos. En algunos países las actividades ilícitas se han fortalecido, posibilitando rutas d
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el narcotráfico, explotación sexual y asesinatos. Ese contexto, se torna aún más tenso con las demandas de desarrollo de megaproyectos de infraestructura; explotación de petróleo, gas y minería; explotación forestal; uso de recursos genéticos, construcción de represas; pesca y agricultura industriales, entre otros. Los impactos son irreversibles al medio ambiente y a las comunidades locales, y en general, han sido impuestos a los pueblos indígenas sin cumplir con su derecho a la consulta y consentimiento libre, previo e informado. Esa situación fue diferente para algunos pueblos que decidieron y pudieron huir a bosques remotos de difícil acceso y se mantuvieron en aislamiento de agentes externos. Por muchos años esas comunidades han preservado sus modos de vida, sin embargo, hoy día se encuentran en situación de especial vulnerabilidad, pues la presión sobre sus tierras se ha intensificado y no cuentan con recursos suficientes para defenderse. La Comisión destaca el desarrollo normativo en el ámbito internacional del reconocimiento de los derechos pueblos indígenas, y valora los esfuerzos realizados por los Estados a través de la elaboración de nuevas leyes nacionales y políticas públicas dirigidas a esos colectivos. Sin embargo, durante los uì ltimos anÞ os se han advertido nuevos problemas que amenazan la supervivencia de estos pueblos, particularmente las alteraciones medioambientales y el cambio climatico, hacen cada vez más difícil que puedan mantener sus formas de vida e interacción con el medio ambiente." (Conclusiones, página 197)
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