"Through the lens of China in Africa, this paper explores the transformations in the relationship between the Internet and the state. China’s economic success, impressive growth of Internet users and relative stability have quietly promoted an example of how the Internet can be deployed within the
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larger political and economic strategies of developing states, moving beyond the democratization paradigm promoted in the West. New evidence suggests that this model is becoming increasingly popular, but it is not clear why and how it is spreading. Through a case study comparison of an emerging democracy, Kenya, and a semiauthoritarian country, Ethiopia, where China has recently increased its involvement in the communications sector, this paper investigates whether and how the ideas of state stability, development and community that characterize the strategies pursued by the Chinese government are influencing and legitimizing the development of a less open model of the Internet. It analyses how new ideas, technologies and norms integrate with existing ones and which factors influence their adoption or rejection. It is based on fieldwork conducted in Ethiopia and in Kenya between 2011 and 2013, where data was collected through mapping Internet related projects involving Chinese companies and authorities, analysing Internet policies and regulations, and interviewing officials in Ministries of Communication, media lawyers, Internet activists, and Chinese employed in the media and telecommunication sector in Kenya and Ethiopia." (Abstract)
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"The demands of public diplomacy have shifted with the development of social media technologies. Increasingly, governments are required to gauge and respond to public sentiment over and above the one-way communication of broadcast media. The social media and accompanying elevated public role have co
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mplicated the decision-making process in China to the extent of potentially influencing its outward engagements. On the receiving end of China’s diplomacy is Africa, which is undergoing its own important technological changes. South Africa’s domestic circumstances, however, demonstrate that larger factors can override online sentiment. In two such important regions in the world, it is important to consider whether these domestic changes are likely to strengthen or undermine future China–Africa future relations." (Abstract)
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"Since China implemented animation control policies in 2004, foreign animation programmes have almost disappeared from Chinese television. At the same time, the Chinese government has invested enormous amounts of money in developing the animation industry as a creative industry. A questionnaire surv
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ey was conducted to explore how the Chinese audience views domestic and foreign animation programmes. The results indicate that pirated Japanese animation is widely viewed via the Internet by adolescents; on the other hand, domestic animation is popular only among children. Preferences for domestic animation correlate positively with age and patriotism but negatively with Internet use, while preferences for Japanese animation correlate negatively with age and patriotism but positively with Internet use. These results show that nationalistic sentiments are associated with preferences for either domestic or foreign animation programmes. However, preferences for Japanese animation are not significantly associated with anti-government attitudes." (Abstract)
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"China, in seeking greater engagement with African audiences, has dramatically boosted its potential to shape narratives in ways that can favour its image or interests abroad. Focusing on CCTV Africa, China’s flagship efforts to win hearts and minds on the continent, the article explains how this
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strategy has been pursued not by directly offering an alternative image of China, but by advancing new ways of looking at Africa. The article offers insights into the innovations and contradictions associated with China’s increased presence in African media. It examines how the concept of ‘positive reporting’ is making inroads in Africa, tapping into the narrative of a ‘rising Africa’ and challenging the Western conception of the media as watchdogs. The article also highlights how CCTV is adapting to liberal journalistic standards, embracing a more aggressive style of reporting to compete for loyalty in a market which is becoming increasingly crowded." (Abstract)
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"This article provides an empirically grounded assessment of China’s increasing role in the African mediasphere. It examines the strategic importance of Chinese media assistance to Ghana along three dimensions: the potential appeal of the Chinese approach to information regulation for countries st
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ruggling to balance development and risks to political stability; the direct intervention of Chinese companies in the media and telecommunication sectors through the provision of loans, equipment and technical expertise; and the stepping up of China’s public diplomacy strategy through the expansion of international broadcasters and the increase of exchange and training programs targeting African citizens." (Abstract)
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"Traces China's media engagement in Africa since the 2000s, including a list of financed projects (pp. 13-15), and explains how strategies have changed. While the extension of hardware assistance continues to play an important role, China's media engagement in Africa started to diversify after the 2
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006 Beijing Summit. According to the author "China has begun to express its opinion on media practices to African media practitioners. For instance the Chinese government invited African journalists to learn about its development experience, including the development of Xinhua as an international news agency. The Third Workshop for African Journalists, under the supervision of FOCAC (Forum on China-Africa Cooperation), covered topics that included discussions on Chinese journalism. The result is clear in a country such as Equatorial Guinea, where qualified media professionals are divided into those journalists who were trained in Spain three decades ago, and the newer generation who are increasingly being trained in Cuba or China. Such media training introduces the Chinese media system, in addition to the usual education on media equipment and other types of hardware supplied by China. China-Africa media ties have therefore developed on the back of official ties." (Page 16)
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"In order to maintain competitive edge over both domestic rivals and international competition, Chinese television companies have been looking abroad for ideas. A number of political and commercial concerns have come together to inform a sudden interest by Chinese media companies in creativity and i
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nnovation. Hunan TV has been at the forefront, carefully deciding on the United Kingdom and selecting partners with which to work. In the course of its explorations abroad, Hunan has changed its objectives from narrowly technical and managerial ones to strategic ones. It now buys foreign formats, develops its own ideas, and looks forward to exporting those ideas and perhaps formats abroad, a hitherto inconceivable ambition that reflects urgent Chinese government concerns about the country's need to expand its international 'soft power'. Meanwhile, Hunan TV's initiatives have not gone unnoticed elsewhere in China, and other television companies are following suit. This article describes how this came about and what measures are being undertaken as a result of it, and discusses the implications of such ambitions." (Abstract)
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"The book provides a glimpse into how China has tried to tell its story to the world. The introduction chapter outlines the broader context for the examination of Chinese public diplomacy. It discusses some of the emerging themes concerning the spirit and practice of the country’s image-building e
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fforts. Chapter 2 provides an overview of the trends and developments in Chinese public diplomacy, and discusses how China’s authoritarian system has benefits as well as drawbacks for its soft power pursuits. In the next three chapters, we examine some of the major Chinese external propaganda and communication platforms, including Beijing Review, CCTV International (renamed CCTV News in April 2010), and government news conferences and spokespersons [...] Chapter 6 takes on a relatively new topic of the increasing role of Chinese corporations in the process of public diplomacy. It examines the complex interplay between corporate branding and nation branding in the example of a leading Chinese company’s corporate social responsibility engagement in Africa. The ensuing two chapters cover China’s image promotion related to the Beijing Olympics from two different vantage points. Chapter 7 discusses the promotion of the Olympics to the Chinese domestic public, who were expected to be model citizens helping to deliver a positive image of China during the Games. This can be viewed as a case of how “charm offensive” begins on the home front. Chapter 8 sheds light on the role of the ever more active Chinese diaspora in national image management through its mobilization in defense of China’s image during the international leg of the Olympic torch relay. To provide some historical context to the discussion of China’s contemporary endeavor, Chapter 9 examines how the conception of “international propaganda” was formulated and institutionalized in early twentieth century China. It highlights the role of Chinese intellectuals in promoting China’s international communication. Our last essay explores higher education as a site of image-construction. It ref lects on how American college students read and evaluate China based on their perspectives and news sources. It ends with an imaginary dialogue between a Chinese journalist and an American journalist on mutual misperceptions, and possibilities for change, providing an “enjoyable and hopeful” conclusion to the book." (Preface, pages ix-x)
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"China’s television sector has undergone rapid transformation since the country’s reform and opening-up in the late 1970s. This article presents the main results of a recently completed PhD project, aiming to understand the role of the Chinese party-state in this transformation. The project supp
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orts global transformation theories and develops a three-tier analytical framework to assess (1) the transformation of television governance by the party-state; (2) the impact of party-state policies on Chinese television; and (3) the interplay of party-state policies with other power factors. The findings suggest that the transformation of Chinese television has undergone three stages – internationalization, transnationalization and renationalization – in accordance with the changing role of the Chinese party-state under globalization. The study complements global transformation theories in presenting evidence from a transitional Communist country to show that the (party-) state not only remains a key actor for globalization, but has itself also undergone profound changes in response to it." (Abstract)
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"Literature about China’s role in Africa suggests that China’s presence on the continent is often viewed in stark binary terms, as either an exploitative, predatory force or a benevolent, development partner. An analysis of attitudes in the South African media over the last three years (if De Be
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er & Schreiner’s 2009 study is included), suggest that overall a more balanced view of China is emerging. Individual reports may still take an either/or stance, but when considered on the whole and across a range of media platforms, China is not represented in either a starkly positive or starkly negative light. It would seem that a cautiously optimistic attitude characterizes South African media coverage. The overall balance between positive, negative and neutral statements may suggest an understanding that China’s role in Africa is a complex one, which cannot be pigeonholed as either a ‘bad’ or ‘good’ news story. South Africa’s association with China as a partner country in the BRICS formation might in future continue to shape positive coverage. The large component ‘neutral’ statements may also reflect the strong influence of the normative values of ‘objectivity’ and ‘balance’ on South African professional journalism practice." (Conclusion, page 16-17)
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"In the past few years China has rapidly become an important player in the media sector in many African countries in at least three ways. First, its economic success and the impressive growth of media outlets and users within China have quietly promoted an example of how the media can be deployed wi
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thin the larger political and economic strategies of developing states, moving beyond the democratization paradigm promoted in the West. It has shown that heavy investments in media and information and communication technologies can go hand-in-hand with a tight control over them, posing a lesser challenge to local governments and to political stability. Second, the Chinese government, and its associated companies, have enhanced their direct involvement in the telecommunication and media markets in Africa. Chinese companies have started winning large bids on the continent, as exemplified by the 1.7 billion dollars project won by the Chinese telecom giant ZTE to overhaul Ethiopia's telecommunication system. At the same time, the Chinese government has provided significant support to state broadcasters in selected countries, such as Kenya and Zambia. Third, China's public diplomacy strategy has been stepped up through expanding the reach and content of its international broadcasters including China Central Television-CCTV and China Radio International-CRI. There has also been a heavy investment in the growth of the government news agency, Xinhua. Cultural diplomacy has been growing through the continued establishment of Confucius institutes. And programmes that offer scholarships for foreign students and journalists to study in China have been expanded." (Executive summary)
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"The People's Republic of China is seeking to influence the media in Latin America, Africa, and Southeast Asia through a variety of means: direct aid to state-run media in the form of radio transmitters and financing for national satellites; the provision of content and technology to allies and pote
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ntial allies; the sharing of news; and training programs and expense-paid trips for journalists to China. This effort has accompanied a massive expansion of the PRC’s own media internationally, primarily through the Xinhua news agency, satellite and Internet TV channels, and state run television services. It comes at a time when resources for media assistance in some regions of the world–notably Latin America–are becoming scarcer. Chinese news media, far less independent than Western media, form the basis for China’s media assistance, which emphasizes cooperation with governments–many of them undemocratic–and rejects the Western media’s role as watchdogs holding governments accountable. China’s moves pose troubling questions for those in the Western media assistance sector. As the Chinese government propagates a less-than-free model of journalism and assists undemocratic regimes by supporting media that buttress them, advocates of free media and democratic government should take note. Media developers and donors might consider countering these developments with more robust support for independent media in the countries where China is assisting news media. This might include more programs in investigative journalism, ethics, and internationally recognized journalism standards, as well as support for digital media infrastructure, such as broadband Internet access in developing countries to provide citizens with increased access to information." (Conclusion)
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"In this reader media experts discuss the prospects and problems of program exchange between German and Chinese Broadcasters. They explain that program exchange is not the cockaigne one could assume with regard to the non-rivalry of media content and the huge Chinese TV market (more than 300 million
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TV households and an estimated 180,000 hours of weekly broadcast time across all TV platforms), but that many economic peculiarities of the media that only can be read in the footnotes of economic text books are highly relevant in practice. To trade TV programs with China thus requires a solid knowledge about the TV business in general, but also about the Chinese media order and the Chinese society, and the Chinese way of business." (Back cover)
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"Over the past decade China has downplayed its hard power in Southeast Asia, instead creating a strategy to build its soft power. For the first time in post-WWII history, the United States may be facing a situation in which another country’s appeal outstrips its own in an important region, a chang
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e sure to shock the United States. Before China’s appeal spreads to other parts of the developing world, U.S. policy makers need to understand how China exerts soft power, if China’s soft power could be dangerous to developing nations, and whether elements of China’s charm could threaten U.S. interests." (Summary)
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"This book is about the processes of globalization, demonstrated through a comparative study of three television case histories in Asia. Also illustrated are different approaches to providing television services in the world: public service (NHK in Japan), state (CCTV in China) and commercial (STAR
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TV, based in Hong Kong)." (Publisher description)
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