"By preserving independence, Syrian media is trusted to promote dialogue, providing a platform for diverse voices and fosters a culture of critical thinking and public debate, the media acts as a catalyst for inclusive recovery and sustainable development. It lays the groundwork for a resilient, dem
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ocratic, and prosperous future. Donors, partners and Syrian media must prioritise developing and protecting independent media to ensure its role as a pillar of Syria’s recovery and transformation. This policy paper aims to guide stakeholders in leveraging the independent media's potential to significantly impact Syria's early recovery phase, advocating for a strategic, long-term investment in media infrastructure and capabilities." (Executive summary)
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"We find that there is a will for reform from the civilian part of the government, the international community, independent media professionals, and a handful of Sudanese CSOs. However, pushing for a free media is a low priority for most of the population, who have more urgent survival and security
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needs. Furthermore, the military/Islamist wing of the transitional government seems to want to control, not free, the media." (Conclusion, page 24)
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"For most of its modern history, the news media in Ethiopia have been a tool for government control. But 2018 brought a wave of optimism to Africa’s second most populous nation. Anti-government protests forced the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) to undertake majo
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r reforms to its authoritarian rule in an effort to stave off mass violence and the potential collapse of the central government. The incumbent prime minister, Hai lemariam Desalegn, was forced to resign. In his place, the EPRDF nominated Abiy Ahmed, a young and charismatic reformer from the long-marginalized Oromiya region. Overnight, protestors lifted roadblocks and popular discontent transformed into euphoria and hope for a better future. This set the stage for one of the most remarkable attempts at media reform in sub-Saharan Africa in recent years. The Abiy government freed journalists from prison; deregulated the sector, enabling the establishment of dozens of new media houses; and put into motion a media reform process that brought government and civil society together in a shared vision for change. However, these early successes have faltered. Quick deregulation without strong enabling institutions and laws created a surge of media outlets and journalism associations that fueled polarization and conflict along ethnic fault lines." (Page 1)
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"The media reform process in Ethiopia’s political transition has made significant improvements to the policy, legal, and regulatory frameworks. If institutionalized and implemented with robust stakeholder engagement, the reform could help build a sustainable, vibrant, independent, and viable media
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business environment essential to democratic consolidation. The task, however daunting, has shown the resolve of state and nonstate actors to work collaboratively in spite of staunch differences to reach compromised solutions and build consensus on important media reform issues. That volunteer legal and media experts have spearheaded a participatory legislative and regulatory reform process will help instill a democratic culture, which would be instrumental in operationalizing a sector-wide self-regulatory mechanism and capacity-building efforts to professionalize the sector. Ethiopia’s political transition has been rather bumpy and full of crises that have threatened progress—a situation that should be expected to continue into the future." (Conclusion, page 21)
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"When conflicts emerge the media often become, intended or not, a key actor. It is through media that every party within a conflict attempts to convey its own narrative, contributing to a complex reality that affects journalists’ work in many different ways. This article aims to reflect on Bläsi
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s (2004) factors of influence on conflict coverage in the context of media development in Burkina Faso and the Central African Republic. Developed from a western standpoint on war reporters covering foreign conflicts, we propose to adapt this model to ‘local’ contexts in order to provide a more holistic analysis of journalism in conflict settings, but also to propose entry points for constructive coordination among multiple media development actors. In this article, we discuss the audience dimension, the pressure put through lobbies, the journalists’ personal features, the situation on-site, structural factors referring to the broader media and information system, and the political climate. We strive to offer a critique so as to adapt to the relevance of ‘local’ journalists living and reporting in conflict-affected areas, in which media development assistance often takes place, in opposition to international foreign correspondents that are deployed to cover far-away violent conflicts." (Abstract)
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"This study points to several recommendations for how international donors can improve support for media sector reform in countries at critical political junctures, and how they can build upon and strengthen approaches that have been effective in the past. Donor support is more likely to be effectiv
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e when it is driven by a deeper understanding of the political dynamics surrounding media sector reform, including the potential weaknesses in state capacity and threats to sustained political will. As such, donor agencies need to provide robust funding and technical support for rigorous media sector assessments led by local experts, targeted efforts to cement local leadership, and dedicated technical and financial support for consensus building. A common blueprint for assistance does not exist—different strategies are needed that are attuned to the strength and commitment of the state, the capacity and cohesion of civil society, and the persistence of anti-democratic forces. Intervening early in a transition, when priorities are established and plans are drawn up, pays better dividends, and long-term assistance is critical to ensuring the sector is not co-opted by political and societal rivalries." (Conclusion, page 31-32)
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"[...] While mass media, including TV or radio, have long been recognised as a key actor in the escalation of violent conflicts, the scale of dissemination and the degree of accountability of digital actors involved is different. Although the doctrine of information intervention initially evolved to
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address concerns around the role of mass media in conflict, it can provide inspiration for adjusting legal frameworks, and core foundational tenets such as the Responsibility to Protect, to address the risks coming from the spread of hate speech and disinformation to social media channels. Nevertheless, the peculiarities of social media require a different approach, and one that includes the responsibilities of social media companies and has at its core, accountable content moderation. Private companies like social media can be both tools of intervention and barriers to intervention. Therefore, Information Intervention Councils (IIC) could have a crucial role in increasing the degree of proceduralisation of information intervention and avoiding disproportionate interference with states’ sovereignty and human rights. There are some limits regarding the role of IIC with regard to participation of stakeholders, the complexity in dealing with escalation, and the effectiveness of its guidelines. However, the establishment of such a system, within regional or international bodies, would increase global awareness while providing a framework to address the spread of online hate and disinformation escalating offline harms including genocide and ethnic cleansing." (Conclusion)
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"The role that the news media play in wartime has been an important topic in journalism scholarship. Peace journalism has become a popular concept in the study of the media’s role in conflicts in the early 21st century. This literature review seeks to determine whether peace journalism can be cons
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idered a tool for the field of media development, formulating some concrete recommendations for practitioners. Defining the core tenets of peace journalism, it discusses the ways in which journalists have been perceived as contributors to peace and the extents to which this notion has been both criticised and used in media development. In conclusion, the review points to future research to help deepen the understanding of this approach and the potential for its implementation." (Abstract)
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"While major airstrikes destroyed the office of some international media organizations such as that of Al Jazeera, local media organizations have been severely impacted. Unlike their international counterparts, local journalists do not have privileged access to protection provided by external entiti
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es. Furthermore, local journalists largely do not have the right to freedom of movement, thereby impeding their ability to flee from danger or persecution. The following figures identify the different local media organizations that responded to the Palestinian media needs assessment led by SKF. The 19 local media outlets include a variety of institutions ranging from non-profit organizations to limited joint-stock companies, and media development centers. Private companies remain the main target of this study." (Page 5)
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"The increased political capture of the Yemeni media since 2014 has reinforced diverging political discourses and has contributed to polarization across society and to political fragmentation. Content of newspapers, television and online platforms has further eroded journalistic standards through th
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e circulation of articles and news with biased angles, ungrounded “facts” and ethical disregard. Practitioners face steep chal- lenges in composing professional stories. Journalists are subject to harassment, intimidation, abduction and violence. The destruction of infrastructure, currency devaluation and delays in salary payment also inhibit media operations. Yet, journalists remain hopeful of the prospect of media reform and are eager to detail the prerequisites for proactive change. Encouraging the development of independent news outlets, independent funding and capacity-building activities could en- able the media to contribute to mutual understanding, de-escalation and the requirements for peace." (Executive summary)
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"A brief recap of the examples discussed here suggests, among other things, the following considerations: When information circulation is limited due to censorship or security concerns, it may be necessary to restrict information to what is essential for survival. In the case of BBTT in South Sudan,
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humanitarian information is produced and transmitted by residents of the UN protected sites, in local languages and for local residents only; Likewise, in post-genocide Rwanda, where broadcasting news about atrocities would have been very challenging, the newsreel project provided information and space for discussion for different groups, while creating a conversation that extended beyond each screening and location; BBTT and the newsreels project also demonstrate that closed environments may be the best option to provide information safely and allow for open discussions among individuals affected by violence. By employing the use of listening and discussion groups, the program furthers its goal of engaging residents and extending their participation in the local form of public sphere. These controlled environments are particularly important to encourage the participation of victims, women and other marginalized groups in dialogue; Training and engaging citizens to gather, curate and disseminate content, as BBTT does with community correspondents, is an effective way to provide information that matters to people's lives and to foster a culture of critical engagement. These processes potentially help communities rebuild media structures once the political situation stabilizes; Media outlets that create avenues for interaction and feedback tend to be most successful in providing content that is relevant and engaging to audiences, as in the case of Sawa Shabab in South Sudan; Drama, games, storytelling and other forms of engagement with narratives provide opportunities for individuals to work together, regain social trust, learn about alternate forms of participation and reconstruct symbolic narratives, as demonstrated by the examples in Colombia; Recognition of the suffering of the victims as well as of their agency in resisting violence is also crucial in a post-atrocities context. This may come in the form of interactive media-making by citizens or in initiatives supported by media or research organizations such as the National Center for Historical Memory." (Pages 226-227)
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"The primary questions driving this assessment are: What are the principal drivers of extremism in Mauritania? What are the principal social fractures that have been, or could be, exploited by extremists? The table below displays the overall main drivers of VE in Mauritania, as well as the five subn
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ational assessment sites (Nouakchott, Nouadhibou, Trarza, Hodh el-Gharbi, and Assaba). Poor governance and relative deprivation are among the most pervasive push factors identified in this assessment, while ideology and social media are the main pull factors [...] The second main assessment question is: What is the role of the Mauritania media landscape within the context of VE? Section 4 addresses this question through a thorough assessment of the overall media landscape in Mauritania. We found that the Mauritanian media has the potential to be a key actor in efforts to counter VE in Mauritania. However, it needs a lot of capacity building and professionalization in order to be effective." (Pages 8-10)
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"Without a doubt, the combined power of the public arena and broadcast media is a very efective social tool for collective action in Afghanistan. Yet there are serious limits to both the media’s self-advocacy and the public’s strong and unwavering support. Te media-related crimes and murders men
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tioned in this chapter are a few of the many. Yet no arrests are made and no one is prosecuted in most of these cases. Zoorawarah can continue to censor media makers with impunity and without fears of retribution. Broadcasting the incidents of violence and censorship against media personnel and the media writ large, as well as the subsequent protests and production of investigative and expository programs is indeed generative in creating dialogue and raising awareness about media rights and the important role of a free media in a society, but it is clearly not enough. Tus far, we have seen examples of two types of potential cultural imperialism. By aggressively promoting and offering their own media products, programs, and formats, at little or no cost, the argument can be made that foreign countries are impeding the development of Afghanistan’s own media industry, artistry, and media crafts. Additionally, we have seen examples of censorship, both from endogenous and exogenous forces, ranging from pressuring the government to ban programming or directly pressuring producers to do so. In extreme cases, we have seen an egregious third form of censorship becoming prevalent in Afghanistan. High-level media personnel and wealthy media owners who are ofen prominent public fgures, such as politicians, warlords, drug lords, religious leaders, and businessmen, hire body guards and live behind gated fortress mansions, while low-level television personalities and reporters are subjected to threats, physical attacks, and death for providing people with programming they want to watch and which gives them a platform to raise their voices. Hence, it is the mid- and low-level media professionals, not the owners of the television stations they work for nor the foreign governments that are the patrons of the stations, who bear the ultimate burden of media freedom and reform in Afghanistan. Caught between warring ideologies that range from Islamist to commercial to “developmentalist,” as brave as these Afghan media personalities and journalists are, and despite their high media a profile, their low socioeconomic status leaves them vulnerable to abuse and possible death." (Conclusion, page 168-169)
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"Esta investigación tiene como objetivo determinar los alcances y las limitaciones que tienen las organizaciones de prensa colombianas al momento de preparar a los periodistas para cubrir y afrontar el proceso de posconflicto, derivado del Acuerdo Final para la Terminación del Conflicto y la Const
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rucción de una Paz Estable y Duradera firmados entre el Gobierno Nacional y las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia FARC. Por lo tanto, analiza las acciones llevadas a cabo por las organizaciones de prensa dirigidas a afrontar este nuevo escenario y a la vez estudia la percepción de algunos periodistas del país frente a estas acciones. Con esto en mente, se hizo una comparación entre dichas acciones y las percepciones de los comunicadores para comprender hasta dónde puede llegar el trabajo de las organizaciones de prensa, los vacíos existentes, los retos y las metas que tienen para afrontar el posconflicto." (Resumen)
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"[This publication] seeks to create a deeper understanding of the role of media interventions as strategic drivers of impact on the ongoing Syrian crisis. In exploring the impact of media interventions in this context, we conducted a landscape scan and a review of programs and approaches conducted b
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y FilmAid, the nonprofit organization that collaborated with us on this paper. The landscape scan indicates the prevalence of awareness raising activities, with an emphasis on the goal of sustaining or increasing funding. The landscape of projects on Syria is not particularly diverse. Our analysis indicated first, a need for increased transparency in funding and program evaluation, and second, that there is a gap and opportunity in the field for community-centered and impact-driven communications. We analyzed FilmAid’s programs in Kenya and Jordan to understand how entities in the landscape might fill the market gap on community-led narrative. FilmAid’s work in Kenya is ongoing and the organization’s participatory approach has allowed the organization to build a profile as a trusted organization. By engaging the population in media creation in combination with strong media and audience-focused expertise, FilmAid has been able to increase knowledge on topics such as health, education, gender and cash-transfers. Based on interviewee insights on the use of strategic narrative interventions in conflict and crisis situations, particularly in long-term displacements and effective community- and impactdriven media interventions such as those in Kenya, we drew out guidance on what media interventions can offer to Syrian refugees as the crisis deepens and becomes a protracted complex emergency." (Executive summary)
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"Effective development cooperation that is sensitive to conflict contexts has to integrate media and communication into their overall strategy by taking into account the communicative needs of societies faced with democratization conflicts. In view of this policy problem, empirical evidence gathered
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by the MeCoDEM project in four transitional countries (Egypt, Kenya, Serbia and South Africa) helps to understand the communication dynamics between journalists, activist and political actors. This policy brief presents some key findings from the project with the aim of informing future policy development." (Introduction)
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"The application of Communication for Development (C4D) in conflict prevention, conflict reduction and post-conflict reconstruction interventions is a relatively new field. International organisations that have begun to adopt new communication & media designs in their peace work are progressively of
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fering a credible baseline to engage in the assessment of this practice. In this paper, I offer a short compendium of the evaluation frameworks I have developed through my empirical research on the impact of Communication for Development in Peacebuilding; this is presented alongside a number of reflections and followed by concluding considerations on the state of the field." (Abstract)
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"[...] This thesis contributes to the emerging academic literature on media development and its role in statebuilding. It does so by investigating media development in the new state of South Sudan. Ethnographic observations, a social survey, and unstructured interviews have been applied during a fie
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ldwork spell in Juba, which lasted from November 2014 to August 2015. The application of three methods allowed for an in-depth investigation of the South Sudanese understanding of media, which differed significantly from the aims of western media experts implementing media development projects. Furthermore, the thesis compares the strengths and weaknesses, and the results delivered, by each utilised research method, and thus investigates how these methods perform in a country of the global South. I argue that the various understandings of media in South Sudan differ significantly from the thinking and practices of western media practitioners. In South Sudan, this resulted in a deteriorating relationship between the country’s government and its international donors and led to problems for the newly trained journalists. Furthermore, my results show the limitations of using just one method in a country of the global South; and they provide an argument for bricolage, a research approach that combines perspectives, theories, and methods, when researching policy-relevant questions in environments where the researcher is not a cultural native." (Abstract)
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"This chapter aims to introduce the concept of an information intervention as an example of humanitarian action. Typically associated negatively with government efforts to incite conflict and tension, two case studies are explored-Haiti and Syria-to better understand how state-led information interv
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entions can contribute to the restoration of normalcy (Haiti) and the development of community-led civil society (Syria). Of course, both Haiti and Syria remain in flux, making it difficult to draw firm conclusions on the efficacy of these efforts. That said, in both cases, there is evidence of effectiveness. Reports from Haiti indicate that the information intervention provided a crucial backbone for additional humanitarian relief, without which Haitians would have faced far worse devastation. In Syria, the emergence of a robust civil society sector, despite the fact that nearly half of Syrians are now internally or externally displaced, speaks to the capacity for open communications mediums and technologies to facilitate productive storytelling and information sharing." (Conclusion)
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"When Jennifer Bakody steps off the plane in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in 2004, she walks right into the hardest and most inspiring job an idealistic young journalist from Nova Scotia could ever imagine. Six years of war involving eight countries and several million deaths have just ended
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in a ceasefire. A week later, Bakody finds herself two thousand kilometres up the Congo River in the heart of the jungle, managing a small UN-backed radio station. Welcome to Radio Okapi Kindu. Welcome, too, to its team of hard-working local reporters determined to cover the country's rapid march towards elections. One day rebel soldiers are walking out of the jungle and handing in their weapons; the next the station is airing comedy sketches and messages asking after missing people. When a public lynching is followed by an outbreak of violence, Bakody begins to realize how little she understands Congolese politics–and how little she has at stake compared to her colleagues, several of whom will die in the next decade. Maintaining the rigour of Radio Okapi's editorial line suddenly seems like a matter of life and death. Can one small station known as the "frequency of peace" stand the strain? Radio Okapi Kindu is a touching memoir of a young journalist's coming of age and a love song to a poor but astonishingly beautiful country recovering from six years of war." (Publisher description)
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