"This chapter aims to introduce the concept of an information intervention as an example of humanitarian action. Typically associated negatively with government efforts to incite conflict and tension, two case studies are explored-Haiti and Syria-to better understand how state-led information interv
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entions can contribute to the restoration of normalcy (Haiti) and the development of community-led civil society (Syria). Of course, both Haiti and Syria remain in flux, making it difficult to draw firm conclusions on the efficacy of these efforts. That said, in both cases, there is evidence of effectiveness. Reports from Haiti indicate that the information intervention provided a crucial backbone for additional humanitarian relief, without which Haitians would have faced far worse devastation. In Syria, the emergence of a robust civil society sector, despite the fact that nearly half of Syrians are now internally or externally displaced, speaks to the capacity for open communications mediums and technologies to facilitate productive storytelling and information sharing." (Conclusion)
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"This paper explores the role professional independent media and journalists can play in circumstances where people’s very survival may rely upon trustworthy information about conflicting factions, violence, or rescue efforts. It also looks at the approaches that have been tried and tested in ligh
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t of the major challenges faced by the international media development community at local and regional levels. These efforts in fostering quality journalism as a public good in itself can support the realization of other human rights. A professional and pluralistic media environment does not only provide the necessary information to survive from one day to the next, it can also maximize the chances for dialogue and help reconciliation and political transformation processes. It can be argued that media development cooperation in areas of conflict and in countries with authoritarian regimes is needed the most. However, it also faces the highest obstacles in being able to reach the right stakeholders, being effective, and keeping all those involved secure." (Page 3)
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"An independent media is one of the most effective assets we have in efforts to curb corruption and foster accountability. Yet it is deeply imperilled, particularly in fragile states and often poorly understood by the international development sector. This policy working paper argues that unless dev
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elopment strategies begin to prioritise support to independent media, corruption may continue to go unchecked and the accountability of states will diminish." (Website BBC Media Action)
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"Part I focuses on 'Counter-Narratives', looking at the evidence relating to strategic policy communication strategies and counter-propaganda techniques. This reflects literature from policymakers, think-tanks, and civil society initiatives rather than the academic literature base. Current literatur
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e and policy concerned with countering propaganda is dominated by the language of ‘counter-narratives’ but a common understanding of this relatively new lexicon has yet to emerge. There is little hard evidence that proves interaction with VE content leads to participation in VE activities [...] Part II looks at “Alternative Approaches” to the use of the media to counter violent extremism, drawing on insights from the “media development” and “media assistance” sectors, and research into whether mass media and new communication interventions can inhibit identity-based violence in certain crisis situations. The theoretical foundations for these alternative approaches are supported by a stronger and more established research base, drawn from the multi-disciplinary fields of development, peace building, and social cohesion. Media projects have less impact if seen to be linked to a political agenda. A growing evidence base suggests that radio and television drama addressing issues of identity, reconciliation and tolerance have a positive an impact on public attitudes and behaviour. Media assistance can ensure that local and domestic media can respond appropriately to VE narratives." (Executive summary)
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"Media development organisations regard polarisation and a lack of ethical standards as the main problems in conflict societies. Our interviews with both Europe-based and local media development actors show that their support programmes address journalists as enablers of an inclusive public discours
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e and as proponents of the human right to freedom of expression. Assistance for journalists increasingly considers the bigger newsroom structure, taking the form of long term counselling or mentoring and often focusing on professional standards and ethics. In addition, media development actors emphasise a need for increased coordination and cooperation within the sector, higher prioritisation of media development in foreign policy and a more thorough understanding of local conditions before commencing engagement on the ground." (Executive summary)
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"As it seeks to win the hearts and minds of citizens in the Muslim world, the United States has poured millions of dollars into local television and radio programming, hoping to generate pro-American currents on Middle Eastern airwaves. However, as this fascinating new book shows, the Middle Eastern
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media producers who rely on these funds are hardly puppets on an American string, but instead contribute their own political and creative agendas while working within U.S. restrictions. The Other Air Force gives readers a unique inside look at television and radio production in Afghanistan and the Palestinian territories, from the isolated villages of the Afghan Panjshir Valley to the congested streets of Ramallah. Communications scholar Matt Sienkiewicz explores how the U.S. takes a “soft-psy” approach to its media efforts combining “soft” methods of encouraging entertainment programming, such as adaptations of The Voice and The Apprentice with more militaristic “psy-ops” approaches to information control. Drawing from years of field research and interviews with everyone from millionaire executives to underpaid but ever resourceful cameramen, Sienkiewicz considers the perspectives of the Afghan and Palestinian media workers trying to forge viable broadcasting businesses without straying outside American-set boundaries for acceptable content." (Publisher description)
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"The Syrian Civil War has shaken the country’s media landscape and provided space for the nascent emergence of an independent Syrian media. Syria’s media culture is undergoing significant transformation from a top-down, state-run industry, to a diverse arena populated by competing viewpoints and
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driven by communities. This paper maps the changes in Syrian media since the beginning of the uprising in 2011, and explores the constraints facing independent media moving forward. Stronger mechanisms to support independent media in Syria are needed—such as additional and consistent funding, industry associations, and ease of travel—to develop a more open media culture in Syria, and foster a democratic and pluralistic post-conflict society." (Summary)
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"Lo que hace algunos años era un escenario de polarización entre medios de comunicación anti-Chávez y pro-Chávez sumamente tendenciosos, lo cual era el reflejo de una sociedad dividida, se ha convertido en un escenario de control gubernamental, directo o indirecto, sobre la mayor parte del disc
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urso público [...] Sin embargo, en medio de este panorama desolador para la libertad de expresión, hay rayos de esperanza: han surgido nuevos medios de comunicación independientes y en su mayoría digitales que están determinados a enfrentar las dificultades y contar la historia de lo que realmente está ocurriendo en Venezuela. Sus reportajes han sido finalistas o ganadores de varios de los premios de periodismo más prestigiosos del continente; uno de estos reportajes documenta precisamente la compra de medios de comunicación por parte de amigos del gobierno, y el consecuente cambio en la línea editorial que obligó a muchos periodistas y editores a renunciar. Las recomendaciones finales de este documento incluyen un llamado para una reforma urgente del marco legal en el que los medios de comunicación operan; el acceso pleno a la información pública y a los funcionarios públicos; y un mayor apoyo para que el periodismo de investigación y los medios independientes en Venezuela se relacionen con colegas en el continente y aumenten su capacidad para informar de manera factual acerca de la situación crítica que vive el país." (Resumen)
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"This report describes how media development practitioners perceive the expansion of the Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) agenda’s influence into various aspects of their field, and the different and sometimes ambivalent ways in which they respond to these perceptions. Two conclusions emerge str
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ongly from these interviews. The first is that the efforts to distance CVE conceptually from media development are not providing the guidance needed to navigate an increasingly blurry line between the two fields in practice. The second is that audience reception studies and investments in media information literacy are needed, yet receive inadequate attention in CVE efforts and funding." (Conclusion)
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"[...] Few aspects of Liberian society have suffered more under UNMIL than the media, which is critical for any young democracy but all the more so for one emerging from civil war. The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), the U.N. mission itself, and other donors have spent more than $
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10 million since 2003 to develop a robust independent media market capable of holding Liberia’s leaders accountable — only to watch UNMIL turn around and build a media behemoth that monopolized the country’s talent, resources, and audience, making it impossible for smaller outlets to compete. UNMIL Radio, the U.N. mission’s flagship media outfit, has a budget of $1.4 million this year — more than the annual revenue of the country’s commercial media combined. We are not aware of a media market in any other democratic country where one player so dominates all others in terms of revenue and resources. And there’s a massive misrepresentation at the heart of UNMIL Radio’s presence in Liberia. Although it now masquerades as an independent media outlet, operating in the same radio space as other news providers and delivering a product that looks like that of other news providers, the U.N. shows little interest or aptitude for the hard, dirty work of independent journalism. It claims to set a standard for journalism in the country but then fails to deliver on the industry’s most important responsibility — holding leaders, not just Liberia’s but the U.N.’s own, to account."
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"This paper seeks to provide some initial guidance as to what Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) is and what it means for the media development sector, its donors and other organizations that work with media developers. The paper also discusses challenges and implications of VE and CVE for media dev
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elopment and how media development work is relevant to CVE and CVE efforts." (Introduction)
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"Politische Spannungen und Vorurteile belasten das Verhältnis zwischen Ruandern, Burundiern und Kongolesen. So manch einer verzieht bei der Vorstellung ins Nachbarland einreisen zu müssen, das Gesicht. Das Spukgespenst des bösen Nachbarn verbreiten und verstärken nicht zuletzt die Medien. Doch e
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s geht auch anders. Die Macher der ruandischen Jugendradiosendung Ejo! setzen auf einen positiven Nachbarschaftsbegriff. Ihr Ansatz: Journalisten aus drei Ländern arbeiten zusammen und senden in die ganze Region." (Seite 8)
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"The literature emphasizes the importance of accounting for specific needs when it comes to media assistance in conflict-ridden contexts. The reviewed recommendations boil down to establishing communication between different actors (such as oppositional players or media and public professionals) and
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to institutionalising this communication in the form of round-tables, press conferences, or other modi vivendi of dealing with one another in a democratic way. Two aspects are salient throughout the reviewed areas “journalism training”, “capacity building for civil society actors”, and “capacity building for political leaders”: The need for multi-stakeholder dialogue and an emphasis on creating awareness of the general value of communication. Differences across the reviewed areas seem rooted in the amount of practical experience gained so far with the respective group of beneficiaries. Future research is well-advised to adapt its focus accordingly. Examining “best practices” is especially relevant when it comes to journalism training. An understanding of support offered to activists can be gained by identifying specific challenges to civil society organisations." (Executive summary)
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"Using Kosovo as its case, this dissertation discusses links between journalism’s historical development, daily practice and potential in a post-war society. In theory on media in post-communist Eastern Europe, journalists and editors are criticized for being unprofessional and for not contributin
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g to development of society. Scholars argue that it is both due to an unwillingness to professionalize as well as historical close ties with politicians. The dissertation applies a three-legged approach; a historical-political analysis discusses how media in Kosovo early developed as arenas of forming national identity, later as tools in ethnic conflicts and wars, but also with brief moments of journalistic professionalism. The news production study in four major newsrooms (Express, Koha Ditore, RTK, and Radio Kontakt Plus) in post-war Kosovo (2005-2006) reveals how journalists and editors continue to battle with the historical aspects of political interference and ethnic conflicts. This study shows that the challenges of the past continue in the post-1999 war environment, also in times when journalists and editors have attended numerous training courses in Kosovo. The international media support, with a goal of professionalizing the journalists, has had limited effect, the study reveals. Instructors and media support organizations did not utilize the journalists’ experience in their eagerness to implement western journalistic standards. Neither did they understand the massive political pressure in Kosovo. The dissertation concludes that in order to assist media development in Kosovo, media support must to a larger degree be aware of the links between the historical-political lack of journalistic autonomy, today’s post-war practice in the newsrooms, and the journalists’ previous experience. In this, there is a potential capital that can be utilized." (Abstract)
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"The report explores how discussion programmes – where a diverse audience, representing the whole of society, is engaged in fair and balanced debate – can stimulate both private/interpersonal discussion and public discussion in either a community setting or one hosted by local government. It the
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n goes on to examine whether discussion can, in turn, affect conflict-related attitudes at scale, whether attitudes towards other groups in society or attitudes towards violence. The basic idea is that regular engagement in the sort of media programmes our organisation seeks to provide can help to mitigate conflict in fragile settings by increasing understanding of the other, facilitating compromise and ultimately engendering less recourse to violence. Data collected by BBC Media Action in Kenya and Nigeria is used to test the hypothesis that media induced discussion is associated with attitudes that are related to conflict and fragility. The results reveal a rich but complicated picture. We find relatively consistent evidence in both countries that our discussion-oriented media programmes are strongly linked to private discussion among family, friends and others. Evidence from Kenya also suggests that exposure to debate-style programming is potentially linked to public political discussion, but that this relationship is likely to be mediated through other variables such as private political discussion. Finally, in both cases, both private and public discussion is strongly associated with individual attitudes towards conflict. However, the relationship is a complex one and bears further examination." (Executive summary)
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"Experience in conflicts, in former Yugoslavia, Sudan, Zimbabwe, Pakistan and Afghanistan over the past twenty years has shown that citizens with access to reliable, professional, and independent news and information must be a key element in any effort to support a sustainable resolution to conflict
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that will begin a political process that will stabilize the situation, counter extremism, ensure more democratic outcomes. Donor support to Syrian media has been critical to ensuring that the nascent independent media sector grew and survived as the conflict worsened. However, four years into the conflict, donors, implementers, and Syrians must re-evaluate their approach based on the changing nature of the conflict and the lessons learned from previous support efforts. In its coordination work with Syrians and media development professionals working on Syria projects since 2013, GFMD has developed the following summary recommendations for donors, implementers, and Syrian media: Long-term, flexible, and adequately funded donor engagement supporting independent media must play a key role in the response to the Syrian conflict [...] The Syrian audience must be central to donor projects, including support for understanding the news and information needs of the Syrian public and improving the distribution of independent media to the Syrian public [...] A comprehensive approach to the Syrian media sector will be most effective [...] Syrian media professionals, media development implementers, and donors must coordinate their work." (Executive summary, page 4-5)
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