"This policy brief summarises extensive information on digital rights violations and politically motivated information disorders affecting Venezuelans, principally social media users. The brief focuses on the conflict dynamic between an authoritarian government and those fighting for re-democratisat
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ion. Venezuelan government policies and actions amid the process of eroding democracy are revisited. The most pressing issues affecting internet freedom and digital rights are scrutinised. Emphasis is placed on the discussion of the dynamics of the coordinated spread of online propaganda and government-sponsored disinformation. Issues surrounding the deployment of digital ID, biometrics data, and risks of massive surveillance are also identified. The brief concludes with policy recommendations for social media companies, journalists, civil society organisations, and policy shapers involved in democratic transition efforts." (Abstract)
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"This report maps the current landscape in respect of digital rights and online freedom of expression in East, West and Southern Africa. It looks at the trends regarding law and policy developments, as well as recent litigation, within these regions. The report focuses on 18 countries – 6 per regi
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on – and tracks the recent developments that have taken place in these countries. Part I of the report provides an overview of the litigation before the ACHPR and the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (African Court) in respect of freedom of expression. Parts II, III and IV of the report look at the trends generally in East, West and Southern Africa respectively, as well as some of the key legal and civil society actors working on digital rights and online freedom of expression, and include a snapshot of some of the notable developments – both positive and negative – that have occurred in the 18 countries under consideration in this report, as well as reflections on opportunities and challenges for vindicating digital rights within each of the countries. Lastly, Part V considers what the next possible opportunities will be for digital rights and online freedom of expression litigation in the region." (Pages 5-6)
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"The toolkit encompasses a broad variety of issues, which should be considered by judicial actors in the course of their work to protect human rights. It covers legal standards of freedom of expression according to international and regional instruments and core texts and surveys pertinent jurisprud
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ence on freedom of expression from regional and sub-regional courts or quasi-judicial bodies that deal with human rights issues. The toolkit explicates conditions under which speech can be legitimately restricted, while also giving prominence to the safety of journalists and the issue of impunity, the latter representing one of the main obstacles to guaranteeing freedom of expression and freedom of information. Finally, the toolkit also addresses recent challenges to freedom of expression on the internet, including on social media, which have become vital means for sharing information and expressing views. The question of gender representation in media content and careers, and gender-specific threats for women journalists, are also addressed." (Foreword, page 10)
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"Se, num primeiro momento parecia suficiente a oferta do acesso à Internet, hoje sabe-se que o direito à comunicação não será exercido de maneira plena na rede se esta não se mantiver um ambiente diverso e que respeite direitos fundamentais como a liberdade de expressão e a privacidade dos u
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suários/as. Tampouco teremos cidadãos empoderados digitalmente sem políticas públicas e uma regulação da Internet que levem em consideração tais dimensões, ou que resumam os usuários da rede a mero consumidores. As transformações por quais passa a Internet, em vez de ameaçar e retirar direitos, devem, pelo contrário, fomentar o surgimento de usuários conscientes de seu direito à comunicação e a um uso pleno da rede. Cada ser humano tem habilidades, objetivos e gostos específicos. Logo, as formas de aprender e praticar conhecimentos são diferentes, o que vale para a forma como lidamos com o universo digital. Defender uma internet livre, aberta, plural e para todos/as mostra-se, assim, uma tarefa essencial de quem defende o direito à comunicação no mundo contemporâneo. Sem ela, tal direito seguirá sendo sistematicamente violado e seu exercício, também em ambiente digital, limitado por interesses políticos e econômicos dos Estados e das empresas." (Conclusão, página 12)
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"Como recomendações à reversão do atual processo em curso e para o respeito à legislação para a Internet em vigor no Brasil, sobretudo o Marco Civil da Internet, propomos: A inclusão do modelo de regime público para a prestação do serviço de conexão à Internet, especialmente na presta
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ão de serviço no atacado; A criação de um modelo de plano básico, com preço, velocidade, franquia e qualidade adequados, para que a construção de redes, com recursos públicos, represente ampliação do acesso a todos/as; A separação funcional ou estrutural dos serviços prestados na camada de rede do serviço de conexão, para fins de regulação e incentivo à competição; O investimento na Telebras e a retomada de sua atuação baseada no interesse público e não apenas na rentabilidade econômica; A adequação do modelo de TACs para garantir oferta em áreas de menor interesse econômica; Criação de um fundo garantidor para pequenos provedores de Internet com recursos públicos; Redução da carga tributária incidente sobre o serviço de conexão à Internet; Criação e fortalecimento de instrumentos de transparência, fiscalização das políticas públicas e participação social." (Conclusão e recomendações, página 53)
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"Civil society groups from the Global South are leading the charge to advocate for an Internet that remains open, pluralistic, and democratic. The nine case studies highlighted in this report demonstrate various ways groups in different countries have successfully fought for policies and norms that
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strengthen Internet freedom and digital rights. These strategies include awareness-raising, nonviolent direct action, regional and international coalition-building, and strategic litigation." (Key findings)
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"[...] es una herramienta indispensable para operadores de justicia que tratan casos sobre la libertad de expresión. La guía, producida conjuntamente por la UNESCO y la oficina del Relator Especial para Libertad de Expresión (RELE) y escrita por Silvia Chocarro, es un mapa esencial de los estánd
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ares internacionales e incluye recomendaciones de lecturas, referencias a textos legales, ejemplos de casos y recursos útiles para ayudar a operadores de justicia a navegar en el terreno, a veces complejo, de garantizar el derecho a la libertad de expresión y acceso a la información." (www.cima.ned.org)
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"The first part of the study focuses on the EU’s internal policies in the field of online content regulation. Drawing on case-studies of three EU directives – Directive 2000/31/EC on e-commerce, Directive 2011/93/EU on combating the sexual abuse and sexual exploitation of children and child porn
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ography and Directive 2004/48/EC on intellectual property rights enforcement – the study seeks to illustrate how dealing with alleged illegal content through blocking, filtering and take-down of content within co- and self-regulatory frameworks shaped around ‘Internet intermediaries’ challenge freedom of expression and information. The directives presuppose, accept or encourage self-regulation and, combined with schemes of limited liability, subject the intermediaries to an increasing pressure to implement public policy in the online domain. However, these practices and their limitations to freedom of expression are rarely framed as human rights issues, nor do they have the required safeguards. Based on analysis of the EU directives, the study explores the weaknesses – seen from a human rights perspective – of the European approach towards tackling illegal content on the Internet. The study provides a number of suggestions to ensure that the EU addresses the human rights implications of co- and self-regulation, including the strengthening of safeguards and guidance for Member States and intermediaries to implement the said EU policy. Also, the study calls for a comprehensive EU freedom of expression and information framework, covering both its internal and external policy. In line with this, the EU should consider the freedom of expression and information implications of current and new policies when reviewing them according to the Digital Single Market Strategy.
The second part addresses the external policies of the EU with a focus on the protection and support of Human Rights Defenders using digital means (‘Digital Defenders’). For this purpose, EU policies and instruments of relevance for Digital Defenders are analysed, including the implementation of the Internet Freedom Strategy and the No Disconnect Strategy. The programmes under the European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights are reviewed with respect to their relevance for human rights activities online, taking into account the recent EU Guidelines on Freedom of Expression Online and Offline. This part of the study also explores the related issues of the safety of journalists (which are often citizen journalists), export control of surveillance technology by the EU Member States and the cooperation with other international organisations active in the field of online rights. Proposals are offered on how to improve the general environment for Digital Defenders and their right to freedom of expression and information, and how to improve the coherence of EU action in this field. The newly created Human Rights Defenders Mechanism can play a pivotal role in this regard, as could updated EU Guidelines on human rights defenders." (Executive summary)
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"In this special edition of GISWatch, Unshackling Expression, APC brings together analysis on the criminalisation of online expression from six Asian states: Cambodia, India, Malaysia, Myanmar, Pakistan and Thailand. While the report mostly focuses on criminalisation, curbs placed on expression usin
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g laws, regulations and policies are also discussed in parts. These countries were chosen for closer study based on preliminary assessment. These six states have several socio-political characteristics that are similar and varied. They have largely similar legal systems, since India, Malaysia, Myanmar and Pakistan are former British colonies and follow the commonwealth system. These countries were also chosen keeping in mind sub-regional balance and to bring to the table a diverse experience with laws and violations. All these states, amongst many others, criminalise online expression for a variety of reasons, which they set out in their constitutions and legislations. In these country reports, the authors identify and analyse the reasons for which online expression is criminalised, from defamation to sedition, hate speech to blasphemy, national security to contempt of court." (Page 5)
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"The guide is designed to help human rights defenders working on human rights online navigate the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) process, with resources and case studies of real life advocacy to help inform and structure engagement. It also provides examples of how the UPR has been used for human r
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ights online, including examples of recommendations that states have accepted relating to the internet, sample civil society reports, advocacy documents, and tips on how to use the UPR to complement ongoing advocacy work." (https://www.gp-digital.org)
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"This document is an abridged version of a wide-ranging survey conducted between July 2014 and January 2015, which attempts to provide an overall view of the complex, ever-changing and fluid landscape of the online media in the Arab world. It is based on over 45 in-depth interviews, 130 applications
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received by CFI as part of its EBTICAR-Media competition, supported by E.U., and the analysis of numerous reports, articles and assays. The focus is on eight of the nine countries originally covered by EBTICAR-Media: Algeria, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, Palestine, Tunisia and Syria." (Introduction)
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"The African Declaration on Internet Rights and Freedoms was drafted by African civil society organisations to guide the creation of a positive, rights-based and democratically governed Internet policy environment in Africa. The initiative is part of a rich heritage of freedom of expression advocacy
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by civil society in Africa and also builds on the continent’s innovative and inclusive approach towards the development of human rights instruments, first pioneered by the drafters of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression in Africa. This brief aims to provide an overview of how the Declaration can spur the development of rights-based Internet policy regimes in the region. It is designed primarily for use by African civil society advocates and digital rights defenders who are seeking to engage with the wider Internet policy stakeholder community within their own countries and regions." (Pages 4-5)
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"La présente étude, menée entre juillet 2014 et janvier 2015, est basée sur plus de 45 entretiens approfondis, sur 130 candidatures reçues par CFI dans le cadre de sa compétition EBTICAR-Média1, soutenue par l’U.E., ainsi que sur l’analyse de nombreux rapports, articles et essais. Cette
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tude tente de fournir une vue d’ensemble du paysage complexe, protéiforme et mouvant des médias en ligne dans le monde arabe." (Page 5)
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"Data for this report were gathered through an electronic survey of 895 Cambodian Internet users conducted from March 12 to 18, 2015, as well as through three follow-up focus group discussions [...] Cambodians find the Internet to be useful for personal, professional and civic interests, with the ma
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jority of respondents agreeing that the Internet makes their job easier (78.8%) and helps in their education and studies (73.7%). 75.3% of Cambodians report the Internet provides them with access to news and information they cannot find elsewhere in Cambodia’s mainstream, offline media. The majority of Cambodian Internet users (62.7%) feel “very” or “somewhat” free to express their opinions online without fear of repercussions." (Executive summary)
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"This paper does suggest that child abuse content is the most popular type of content on the Tor Dark Net. While law enforcement may crawl such sites, the number of requests that would be seen would be only a tiny fraction, and hence not skew the outline ratios. Similarly, denial of service attacks
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were not observed and so are also unlikely to account for the high requests. The usage of Tor2Web may underrepresent some categories, but it is not currently clear whether, or why, such groups would exclusively use this tool." (Page 9)
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"Egypt’s plummeting press freedom is in part a result of the many ways in which the state can put pressure on independent media under Egyptian law. While the January 2014 constitution contains clear protections for the media (including, under Article 71, bans on censorship and surveillance), many
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of the oppressive laws imposed under Mubarak remain in place. These include provisions against defamation, blasphemy, and promotion of extremism, and the list is growing longer. One pending draft law prohibits publication of information pertaining to the armed forces without permission, and violators would be subject to stiff new criminal penalties. Another draft law would criminalize publication of information that contradicts the government line in terrorism matters. In many cases, these repressive laws are backed up by violence. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) conservatively estimates that 10 journalists have been killed in connection with their work since 2011, and reports that a record number of journalists are sitting in Egyptian jails. Egypt has more than five hundred newspapers, magazines, journals, and other publications. While many of these titles are owned by the Egyptian state, many others are privately owned. Most publications struggle financially; the country’s economic collapse has forced both state and private newspapers to implement deep budget cuts, though as of 2014, no major news outlet was forced to close its doors. In addition to their lack of resources, independent news organizations suffer from a lack of advocates. Organizations charged with representing journalists’ interests before the government, such as the Egyptian Journalist Syndicate, are reliant on state funding and have consequently proven to be ineffective guardians of press freedom." (Overview, page 2)
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