"Egypt’s plummeting press freedom is in part a result of the many ways in which the state can put pressure on independent media under Egyptian law. While the January 2014 constitution contains clear protections for the media (including, under Article 71, bans on censorship and surveillance), many
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of the oppressive laws imposed under Mubarak remain in place. These include provisions against defamation, blasphemy, and promotion of extremism, and the list is growing longer. One pending draft law prohibits publication of information pertaining to the armed forces without permission, and violators would be subject to stiff new criminal penalties. Another draft law would criminalize publication of information that contradicts the government line in terrorism matters. In many cases, these repressive laws are backed up by violence. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) conservatively estimates that 10 journalists have been killed in connection with their work since 2011, and reports that a record number of journalists are sitting in Egyptian jails. Egypt has more than five hundred newspapers, magazines, journals, and other publications. While many of these titles are owned by the Egyptian state, many others are privately owned. Most publications struggle financially; the country’s economic collapse has forced both state and private newspapers to implement deep budget cuts, though as of 2014, no major news outlet was forced to close its doors. In addition to their lack of resources, independent news organizations suffer from a lack of advocates. Organizations charged with representing journalists’ interests before the government, such as the Egyptian Journalist Syndicate, are reliant on state funding and have consequently proven to be ineffective guardians of press freedom." (Overview, page 2)
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"1. This guide is a tool for you, the Internet user, to learn about your human rights online, their possible limitations, and available remedies for such limitations. Human rights and fundamental freedoms apply equally offline and online. This principle includes respect for the rights and freedoms o
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f other Internet users. The guide provides you with information about what rights and freedoms mean in practice in the context of the Internet, how they can be relied and acted upon, as well as how to access remedies. It is an evolving document, open to periodic updating. 2. This guide is based on the European Convention on Human Rights and other Council of Europe conventions and instruments that deal with various aspects of human rights protection. All Council of Europe member States have a duty to respect, protect and fulfil the rights and freedoms contained in the instruments that they have ratified. The guide is also inspired by the continuous interpretation of these rights and freedoms by the European Court of Human Rights and by other relevant legal instruments of the Council of Europe. 3. The guide does not establish new human rights and fundamental freedoms. It builds on existing human rights standards and enforcement mechanisms." (Introduction)
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"This paper takes four key policy issues for protecting human rights online - net neutrality; an absence of arbitrary online filtering and blocking; an absence of arbitrary surveillance; and protecting intermediaries from liability for user-generated content. For each policy area it summarises the t
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heoretical economic arguments for adopting a human rights-respecting position, and then attempts to collate any empirical data that exists to back up those arguments. In doing so, the paper aims to assist human rights defenders to develop persuasive arguments that they can use with policy-makers, and to highlight areas where more research and evidence is needed." (Summary, page 6)
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"This report presents an up-to-date assessment of internet rights in Turkey, and has been prepared to coincide with the Internet Governance Forum (IGF) 2014 which is being hosted by Turkey in Istanbul from 2–5 September 2014. The IGF is a space that strives for a democratic and inclusive internet
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and this report assesses the Turkish government’s respect for international human rights standards in relation to freedom of expression online. The assessment [...] focuses on internet regulation, internet access, blocking, surveillance, liability of internet intermediaries, criminalisation of legitimate expression, and cyber-attacks. The report concludes with recommendations for actions to promote and protect an open and free internet in Turkey." (Abstract)
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"The research showed that internet intermediaries are heavily influenced by the legal and policy environments of states, but they do have leeway over many areas of policy and practice affecting online expression and privacy. The findings also highlighted the challenge where many state policies, laws
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, and regulations are – to varying degrees - poorly aligned with the duty to promote and protect intermediaries’ respect for freedom of expression. It is a resource which enables the assessment of Internet intermediaries’ decisions on freedom of expression, by ensuring that any limitations are consistent with international standards. The research also recommends specific ways that intermediaries and states can improve respect for internet users’ right to freedom of expression. This is through promoting: adequate legal frameworks and policies consistent with international norms; multi-stakeholder policy development; transparency of governance; accountability in self-regulation; mechanisms for remedy; and public information and education." (UNESCO website)
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"In a rapidly changing civil-political and socio-economic environment, the internet has emerged as one of the primary mechanisms that influence and continue to redefine the practice of democracy. Internet freedom is therefore an increasingly important safeguard towards advancing not only freedom of
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expression but the broader issues concerning access to information but also its associated rights. This module highlights the evolving exercise of free of expression in a digital world and how this has an influence on open, accountable and sustainable democracy in South Africa." (Preface)
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"Internet companies have become the new gatekeepers of information–and their data-parsing algorithms the twenty-first century equivalent of the stereotypical editor with the green eyeshade who filtered the news before passing it along to readers .. As they have expanded globally, these pioneering
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corporations have had to face, and deal with, a tough reality. The Internet that gave them birth espouses all sorts of high-minded principles of open and free expression. But many of the governments in countries that offer tantalizingly large commercial markets not only don’t espouse those principles, they actively deny them [...] This report offers these recommendations for addressing the role of the new information gatekeepers in the age of the Internet: The dominant Internet companies should be more transparent about how they decide on content issues ...; The start-ups of today should consider the lessons of the recent past ...; Twitter (and the telecoms, and other ICT companies) should join the Global Network Initiative ...; The Global Network Initiative should toughen up." (Executive summary, page 6-7)
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"This report examines whether and how furthering Internet freedom can empower civil society vis-à-vis public officials, make the government more accountable to its citizens, and integrate citizens into the policymaking process. Using case studies of events in 2011 in Egypt, Syria, China, and Russia
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, researchers focus on the impact of Internet freedom on freedom of assembly, freedom of expression, and the right to cast a meaningful vote, all of which are the key pillars of political space. Researchers analyze the mechanisms by which Internet freedom can enhance the opportunities to enjoy these freedoms, how different political contexts can alter the opportunities for online mobilization, and how, subsequently, online activism can grow out into offline mobilization leading to visible policy changes. To provide historical context, researchers also draw parallels between the effects of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty programs in the Soviet Union during the Cold War and the ongoing efforts to expand Internet freedom for all. The report concludes by discussing implications for the design of Internet freedom programs and other measures to protect “freedom to connect." (Back cover)
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"In this policy paper, ARTICLE 19 proposes a set of recommendations to state actors and policy makers about what they should do to promote and protect the rights of bloggers domestically and internationally. It also gives practical advice to bloggers about their rights and explains how - and in what
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situations - they can invoke some of the privileges and defences that traditional journalists have found vital to the integrity of their work [...] ARTICLE 19 argues that it is no longer appropriate to define journalism and journalists by reference to some recognised body of training, or affiliation with a news entity or professional body. On the contrary, ARTICLE 19 believes that the definition of journalism should be functional, i.e. journalism is an activity that can be exercised by anyone. Accordingly, it argues that international human rights law must protect bloggers just as it protects journalists. The policy paper therefore addresses the key areas that bloggers are likely to face, that is: licensing, real-name registration (vs. anonymity), accreditation, the protection of sources, protection from violence, legal liability and ethical responsibility and suggests ways for them to be addressed." (Executive summary)
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"Through the lens of China in Africa, this paper explores the transformations in the relationship between the Internet and the state. China’s economic success, impressive growth of Internet users and relative stability have quietly promoted an example of how the Internet can be deployed within the
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larger political and economic strategies of developing states, moving beyond the democratization paradigm promoted in the West. New evidence suggests that this model is becoming increasingly popular, but it is not clear why and how it is spreading. Through a case study comparison of an emerging democracy, Kenya, and a semiauthoritarian country, Ethiopia, where China has recently increased its involvement in the communications sector, this paper investigates whether and how the ideas of state stability, development and community that characterize the strategies pursued by the Chinese government are influencing and legitimizing the development of a less open model of the Internet. It analyses how new ideas, technologies and norms integrate with existing ones and which factors influence their adoption or rejection. It is based on fieldwork conducted in Ethiopia and in Kenya between 2011 and 2013, where data was collected through mapping Internet related projects involving Chinese companies and authorities, analysing Internet policies and regulations, and interviewing officials in Ministries of Communication, media lawyers, Internet activists, and Chinese employed in the media and telecommunication sector in Kenya and Ethiopia." (Abstract)
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"Peter Reddaway und neun weitere Autoren schauen ins das Archiv der Freiheit, das die osteuropäischen Bürgerrechtler mit ihren selbstverlegten Schriften anlegten. Sie entdecken substantielle Beiträge zur politischen Ideengeschichte des mündigen Bürgers. Sind im Zeitalter der wiedererstarkten po
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stsowjetischen Autokratien die Sozialen Netzwerke und die Blogs des RUnet auch ein solches Archiv der Freiheit? Dmitrij Golynko zweifelt, dass die atomisierten postsowjetischen Gesellschaften gerade im Internet geeint werden können, vier andere Autoren sind optimistischer." (https://www.hsozkult.de/journal/id/z6ann-104850)
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