"Explores the drastic efforts being made by elites to contain online activism, as well as how ‘fake news’, a failed digital vote-counting system and the incumbent president’s recruitment of Cambridge Analytica contributed to tensions around the 2017 elections. Reframing digital democracy from
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the African perspective, Nyabola’s ground-breaking work opens up new ways of understanding our current global online era." (Publisher description)
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"The volume digs beneath the standardised and universalised veneer of professionalism to unpack routine practices and normative trends shaped by local factors, including the structural conditions of deprivation, entrenched political instability (and interference), pervasive neo-patrimonial governanc
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e systems, and the influences of technological developments. These varied and complex circumstances are shown to profoundly shape the foundations of journalism in Africa, resulting in routine practices that are both normatively distinct and equally in tune with (imported) Western journalistic cultures. The book thus broadly points to the dialectical nature of news production and the inconsistent and contradictory relationships that characterise news production cultures in Africa." (Publisher description)
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"This collection covers the major trends of the media environment of the post-Communist world and their recent development, with special focus on Russia and the post-Soviet space. The term ‘media environment’ covers not just traditional print and electronic media, but new media as well, and rang
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es from the political to entertainment and various artistic spheres. What role do market forces play in the process of media democratization, and how do state structures regulate, suppress, or use capitalism toward their own gain? What degree of informational pluralism has been achieved in the newly independent republics? What are the prospects for transparency and the participation of civil society in Russian and Eurasian media? To what degree do trends in post-Communist media reflect global trends? Is there a worldwide convergence with regard to both media formats and political messaging? Western observers usually pay their keenest attention to the role of media in Russia and Eurasia during national elections. While this is a valid focus, the present volume [...] aims at understanding the deeper overall ‘media philosophies’ that characterize post-Soviet media systems and environments, and the type of identity formation that they are promoting." (Publisher description)
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"This book examines the challenges and pressures liberal journalists face in Putin's Russia. It presents the findings of an in-depth qualitative study, which included ethnographic observations of editorial meetings during the conflict in Ukraine. It also provides a theoretical framework for evaluati
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ng the Russian media system and a historical overview of the development of liberal media in the country. The book focuses on some of Russia’s most influential liberal national news outlets: "the deadliest" newspaper Novaya Gazeta, "Russia’s last independent radio station" Radio Echo of Moscow (Ekho Moskvy) and US Congress-funded Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. The fieldwork included ethnographic observations of editorial meetings, long interviews with editors and journalists as well as documentary analysis. The monograph makes theoretical contributions to three main areas: 1. Media systems and terms of reference. 2. Journalism: cultures, role conceptions, and relationship with power, culture and society. 3. Mediatisation of conflict and nationhood." (Abstract)
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"El libro contiene “un recorrido por la comunicación para el desarrollo, alternativas, popular, cambio social y buen vivir”. La obra recoge también experiencias de políticas de comunicación en la Región y una mirada del manejo de la comunicación en el Paraguay, además, “propuestas de ej
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es de discusiones para una política pública de comunicación en el Paraguay”. Según el autor, en los últimos años se aprobaron importantes normativas sobre “los servicios de comunicación audiovisual” en la Argentina, Uruguay, Bolivia y Ecuador. Cada uno presenta características comunes y particularidades, siendo los derechos humanos la base de todas estas experiencias, y, en el caso de Bolivia y Ecuador con la inclusión de un nuevo paradigma: el bien vivir/buen vivir. Agrega que Paraguay “carece de una política pública de comunicación. Solo se adoptan estrategias comunicacionales por cada administración. Falta una política de estado en cuanto a la comunicación, discutida ampliamente con la ciudadanía, las entidades educativas, formadoras de profesionales de la comunicación, las organizaciones de medios empresariales, medios de servicios de la comunicación audiovisual, la comunicación y las TIC, la comunicación y los pueblos indígenas y colectivos culturales, otros actores”. En el libro, estos temas se desarrollan en tres partes, de las cuales, la primera aborda las aproximaciones teóricas a la comunicación y profundiza en lo que es hoy: comunicación para el desarrollo y cambio social, y, la comunicación para el buen vivir. En la segunda se recorre las políticas de comunicación, en especial las normativas recientes, de Argentina, Bolivia, Ecuador y Uruguay. En la tercera parte se realiza un estudio sobre la comunicación en el Paraguay, una mirada histórica y un análisis de la comunicación en distintas etapas y planteándose propuestas teniendo en cuenta cinco grandes aspectos: los desafíos de la democratización de la comunicación, las tecnologías de información y comunicación, las necesidades formativas de comunicadores, las industrias culturales y la necesidad de contar con una entidad rectora democrática." (https://signisalc.org/presentan-libro-vivir-la-comunicacion, 25.11.2018)
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"As Chinese politicians hold the power to control the dissemination of political information, beat journalists must guard their relationship with the authorities to expand the boundaries of news reporting; that is, to gain more access to political information and report more sensitive news. What rem
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ains a puzzle is how beat journalists can possibly expand these boundaries. Data from participatory observation and in-depth interviews with journalists reveal that in order to gain more access to political information, they not only serve as political advocates but also seize the opportunity to act as watchdogs. To report more sensitive news without being sanctioned or denounced by the authorities, they coordinate with peers both within and outside the news organization." (Abstract)
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"During the transition years, Albania saw the establishment of a relatively complete legal framework for the protection and development of media freedom and independence. However, in many cases, the legal framework was delayed or a mechanical transplant of western legislation. Enforcement of legisla
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tion remains a problem. In the framework of relations between the media and politics, both in the early transition phases and during recent years, there have been frequent efforts of political formations to ensure in a way control Relations between media and politics in Albania over the media through law as in the case of the Press Law or the case of legislation establishing the regulations for the election of the Steering Council of RTSH and AMA, which gives the opportunity to the political majority to decide on the composition of the steering bodies of these two institutions. In terms of transparency over media ownership, Albania has made progress, but the concern is raised regarding the possibility of hidden ownership. Besides the ownership factor, their funding also has played a considerable role in the degree of dependence or independence of the media. In this regard, for many domestic analysts or international rapporteurs, the situation remains alarming. The EU Progress Report on Albania notes that media financing remains very problematic. There is almost no transparency and funding sources are manipulated or hidden. Similar to countries of the polarized pluralistic media model, in Albania too, professional organizations and the trade unions of journalists are generally weak. An indicator of the lack of organization of the media and the journalists’ community is also the fact that Albania, for a long period during the transition years, has not managed to have a Media Council, which exists in the majority of the region’s countries. The inexistence or poor role of journalists’ associations has led to a poor level of self-regulation of media in the country." (Executive summary)
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"Plus d'un demi-siècle après sa création sous Félix Houphouët-Boigny, la RTI a-t-elle atteint l'objectif fixé au départ, renforcer la cohésion sociale, positionner le pays sur la scène internationale et promouvoir le développement ? A-t-elle été un organe de développement souhaité, où
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comme presque partout en Afrique, elle n'a été qu'un ordinaire instrument des pouvoirs politiques de Côte d'Ivoire ? La RTI par certaines émissions a joué un rôle dans l'histoire cinquantenaire et le développement du pays, mais en tant que monopole de l'Etat elle a souvent eu du mal à se soustraire de l'engrenage politique." (Description de la maison d'édition)
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"The Malawi Broadcasting Corporation (MBC) was established as Malawi's first national radio station when the country gained independence from Britain in 1964, partly with an ideological function of mobilising Malawians for the task of nation building. Since its inception, the broadcaster has been ac
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cused of serving the ideological interests of the ruling elite at the expense of the public good. Content-based evidence supporting this assertion has, however, been lacking. Against this background, a content study of one of MBC's leading television public affairs programmes, Speak Out, was conducted to interrogate a widely-held perception that the broadcaster's staffers interact with dominant ideology passively at the expense of promoting public good. The study was situated in debates between the dominant ideology thesis and the pluralist paradigm of news. Its results show that, contrary to the widely-held claim, the pursuit of the ideological project of nation building at the broadcaster generally conforms to the pluralist paradigm, especially Shoemaker and Vos's gatekeeper thesis which conceptualises journalists who actively engage with programme content as they mediate it. Presenters and producers of the programme use strategies which, to a considerable extent, connote their effort to pursue impartially politically sensitive aspects of the ideological project of nation building." (Abstract)
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"This book traces the life of free speech in Russia from the final years of the Soviet Union to the present. It shows how long-cherished hopes for an open society in which people would speak freely and tell truth to power fared under Gorbachev’s glasnost; how free speech was a real, if fractured,
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achievement of Yeltsin’s years in power; and how easy it was for Putin to reverse these newly won freedoms, imposing a ‘patrimonial’ media that sits comfortably with old autocratic and feudal traditions. The book explores why this turn seemed so inexorable and now seems so entrenched. It examines the historical legacy, and Russia’s culturally ambivalent perception of freedom, which Dostoyevsky called that ‘terrible gift’. It evaluates the allure of western consumerism and Soviet-era illusions that stunted the initial promise of freedom and democracy. The behaviour of journalists and their apparent complicity in the distortion of their profession come under scrutiny. This ambitious study covering more than 30 years of radical change looks at responses ‘from above’ and ‘from below’, and asks whether the players truly understood what was involved in the practice of free speech." (Abstract)
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"Combining ethnography, media analysis, moral and political theory this book examines the unravelling of professional journalism in Russia over the past twenty-five years, and its effects on society. It argues that, contrary to widespread assumptions, late Soviet-era journalists shared a cultural co
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ntract with their audiences, which ensured that their work was guided by a truth-telling ethic. Post-communist economic and political upheaval led not so much to greater press freedom as to the de-professionalization of journalism, as journalists found themselves having to monetize their truth-seeking skills. This has culminated in a perception of journalists as political prostitutes, or members of the 'second oldest profession', as they are commonly termed in Russia. Roudakova argues that this cultural shift has fundamentally eroded the value of truth-seeking and telling in Russian society." (Publisher description)
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"This briefing explores some of the key challenges facing the Nepali media. It outlines growing concerns over politicisation and co-option, particularly of the mainstream Kathmandu-based media, as well as other economic and technological challenges facing the media. The briefing further outlines how
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Nepal’s historically diverse and decentralised media market is increasingly showing signs of fragmentation and discord. It also examines the role that the international development community has played in supporting the Nepali media. The briefing finds that for all the challenges outlined in this report, the media – both nationally and locally – continues to constitute one of the most important and effective mechanisms available to improve accountability. Despite rising threats to journalist safety and growing concerns over politicisation, the media remains most trusted institution in Nepal. The media provides both a growing problem for and a potentially vital solution to the challenges of social cohesion in the country. At present, there is not a sufficient advertising market to sustain a free and independent media that can both serve the public interest and withstand intense political pressures. Development actors are in a position to help to address this market failure if they invest in an independent, Nepali-rooted media that enables difficult and challenging debate to take place." (BBC Media Action website)
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"Habría muchas razones para suponer una relación natural entre el periodismo y la democracia, desde la difusión de información y la socialización de debates relevantes para el interés público, hasta la vigilancia contra el abuso de poder. En México, sin embargo, el periodismo no ha sido plen
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amente capaz de desarrollar estas funciones y las razones tienen que ver, en gran parte, con la forma en que se han desarrollado las relaciones entre los medios –vehículos privilegiados por mucho tiempo para el ejercicio periodístico– y el régimen político. Entre el siglo XX y el XXI hemos transitado de un modelo mediático caracterizado por el peso inhibidor del régimen sobre la labor informativa a otro en el que, de formas distintas, grupos políticos, económicos y del crimen organizado ejercen presión sobre la independencia de esa labor informativa. En este sentido, en la mayor parte de los medios tradicionales tenemos un periodismo colaborador que, en ciudades medianas y pequeñas de provincia se convierte más bien en uno acosado. La buena noticia es que gracias en gran parte a la revolución tecnológica de las últimas décadas, ha comenzado a surgir un periodismo responsivo, distinto en sus temas, tratamiento y método, que está soportado en los principales centros urbanos por mercados publicitarios y públicos cada vez más exigentes con los contenidos mediáticos que consumen. Si bien el panorama sigue siendo de claroscuros, en México ya hay –aunque sea de forma incipiente– una serie de espacios en donde el periodismo tiene oportunidad de desarrollar esas funciones, aun a contracorriente del ambiente dominante." (Resumen, página 9-10)
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"The United Nations-led constitution-making process, while highly controversial, has sought to create an opening to help Somalia transition to a new phase in its political development. This article considers the structural features, problems, and opportunities of the process, particularly in the con
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text of debates over external interventions and state sovereignty. It also addresses an area that is often overlooked during constitution-making: the role of media and communications in advancing narratives that not only shape perceptions, but also define the scope of the debate. International actors have worked to promote legitimating narratives, emphasizing certain aspects and values with a focus on the constitution being ‘Somali-owned’. This article shows how local and private media treated and reshaped these emphases and priorities. At this stage it is not possible to conclude whether efforts to “sell” the constitution have generated greater legitimacy, but what is clear is that the narratives that have dominated public discourse have been focused on participation and politicking, reflecting underlying concerns about which groups will have access to state resources, as well as responding to the interventions by international actors. This emphasis has obscured the role of local legal cultures and previous experiences with grassroots constitution-making processes and reconciliation in the Somali territories that might allow for the reimagining of the nation." (Abstract)
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"Los medios, ante la debilidad de los partidos e instituciones, lideran opinión y se tornan en inductores del pensamiento público, incluso contrapesando el poder de los gobiernos. ¿Cómo encontrar el equilibrio en un escenario tan violentamente polarizado en el que los dos extremos pretenden impo
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nerse?" (Cubierta del libro)
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"Ce livre traite de l'évolution de la presse africaine francophone dans un contexte de mutations sociopolitiques récurrentes. S'appuyant sur le cas particulier du Congo-Brazzaville, l'analyse démontre clairement comment les mutations sociopolitiques induisent des logiques sociales de la communica
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tion qui interfèrent dans la médiatisation de l'expérience sociale. Objet d'un enjeu de positionnement dans la sphère publique des acteurs sociaux aux jeux et intérêts divergents, l'information de presse produite dans ce contexte apparaît comme une simple mise en visibilité des acteurs sociaux les plus nantis parce que détenteurs d'un double capital politique et financier." (Dos de couverture)
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