"Le présent livre blanc passe au peigne fin le parcours trépidant de la HAAC pendant cette campagne inédite au Bénin et dans le monde. Il retrace et analyse les activités menées par la HAAC dans le cadre des communales de 2020, en pointant singulièrement la période de campagne électorale qu
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i fut exclusivement médiatique. C’est un ouvrage de référence qui vise à faire la promotion des expériences de la HAAC en matière de gestion de campagne médiatique des élections, et notamment de cet aspect nouveau de campagne électorale exclusivement médiatique. Cet ouvrage pourrait inspirer plus tard la HAAC ellemême et les instances de régulation des médias qui seraient amenées à faire face à des expériences similaires." (Preface, page 7)
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"Platforms have power. But this power is not unchecked. Governments have an important role to play in protecting their citizens' rights vis-à-vis third parties and ensuring a communication order in which rights are not violated. (And in addition, of course, they need to respect human rights themsel
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ves and not arbitrarily shut down sites or use their power to make the Internet less free and open). As leader of working group 2 it is my distinct privilege to present this collection which unites studies by researchers within the Global Digital Human Rights Networks on issues connected to the overarching question of how platforms deal with human rights and their human rights obligations. This study is a key deliverable of our working group in the second year of the Global Digital Human Rights Network's activities. We will follow-up with Guidelines for platforms and an Assessment Model for states and other stakeholders in 2024. We developed this study under Corona conditions but were able to meet in the Tyrolean Alps in Obergurgl, Austria, in July 2022 to finalize this study." (Preface, page 7)
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"Despite the positive impact of the constitutional reform of 2013 and other previous or related regulations, media policy in Mexico is still faced with numerous challenges. Many objectives of the 2013 reform, in fact, could not be achieved because of a series of secondary laws that have been adopted
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in the meantime. Controversial cases remain unresolved. The Mexican media system thus remains one of the most concentrated in the world. Therefore, more comprehensive economic competition measures and policies are needed (for instance, asymmetric policies by service and not by sector). On the other hand, as the goals of the governments in the media have not been achieved, the digital divide remains wide, which means that vast swathes of the Mexican population do not fully enjoy the benefits of digitization. Part of the reason is that post-reform investments were below expectations, at much lower levels than in other countries (except for a recent investment in a 5G network). Public media remain financially vulnerable as authorities have discretionary power in approving their budget and exert significant influence in their editorial coverage. Moreover, public media remain reluctant to be held accountable." (Conclusion)
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"This paper underlines the relevance of devising an effective legislative framework that sets out the organization of the National Communication Council (NCC), the main media regulator in Cameroon. It argues that the rules and procedures informing the functioning of the NCC should clearly affirm and
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protect its autonomy. The duties and powers as well as the ways of making the NCC accountable, the procedures for the appointment of its members and the sources of funding should be clearly defined in law. Equally relevant is the prevalence of a culture of independence, transparency and accountability, where lawmakers, government and the public respect the NCC’s independence without being explicitly required to do so by law. Drawing from a critical analysis of the law creating the NCC and complemented with an interview with the NCC chairman, I argue that independent media regulators (NCC) can have democratizing effects, but it can also limit the growth of press freedom, freedom of expression, opportunities for democratic engagement and the pivotal role that it is expected to play in creating a diverse and pluralistic media landscape. Also, public authorities should refrain from using their financial decision-making power to interfere with the independence of regulatory authorities." (Abstract)
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"This article presents and makes a case for the audience-Centred approach to media policymaking and research, and situates this discussion within the South African revision of the regulatory mechanism for the press. In South Africa the press accountability mechanism, the Press Council of South Afric
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a, has been subject to a near constant process of review and restructuring since 2010. This article discusses and contextualises these various South African reviews, with particular emphasis on the Press Freedom Commission, and weighs them against the audience-Centred approach to media policymaking which adopts a ground-up public-focused method in keeping with the principles of a participatory democracy. The findings indicate that however well intentioned, the various different attempts to review and restructure the press accountability system for South Africa fell short of substantive and meaningful audience or public participation, and resultantly the value and richness of public input and participation, which may have infused the process of policymaking with audience ownership, was lost." (Abstract)
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"This publication surveys 48 public regulators in 26 countries to try and gauge their level of independence in practice and identify areas where undue influence may hinder performance. It looks at potential entry points for undue influence in financing arrangements, staff behaviour and the political
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cycle. The key findings are: 88% of the regulators surveyed receive annual rather than multi-annual budget allocations, which can increase the risk of undue influence; most of the regulators have their head appointed by the government’s executive branch. In 15% of cases, the appointment is made by parliament. Only eight regulators use a search committee for hiring a new chair; over half the regulators place no restrictions on pre-or post-employment of professional staff, opening the risk of "revolving doors" and conflicts of interest with industry; only a quarter of the regulators are given a government statement of expectations on their conduct. Such formal statements can be useful to clarify roles, goals and activities; regulatory independence is not an end in itself but a means toward ensuring effective and efficient public service delivery by market players; independence is not static, but is an active objective which regulators must be prepared to approach continuously, requiring a mix of formal and informal, de jure and de facto elements; the life of a regulatory agency is fraught with potential entry points for undue influence, from issues linked to finance, leadership, staff behaviour to links to the political cycle. A real culture of independence will help navigate these “pinch points”; independence cannot come at the price of accountability or engagement. Regulators need to be part of a well-functioning and transparent governance-ecosystem. Keeping their fingers on the pulse of the market through interaction with industry and consumers and having effective interactions with government institutions." (Key findings)
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"Within a few short years, the Press Council of Kosovo (PCK) and the Independent Media Commission (IMC) have successfully established a model of media regulation and selfregulation familiar to Western democracies. This follows a historic period of state or partisan influence in print media and broad
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casting. The achievements of the IMC and PCK should not be underestimated. However, both organisations now face a series of significant challenges. All leaders of the media industry and civil society interviewed for this study believe public awareness of the Press Council of Kosovo and the Independent Media Commission is poor, especially in the case of the IMC. Continual funding crises limit their effectiveness and capacity for future development." (Page 4)
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"A travers l'expérience de l'INRIC (Instance pour la Réforme de l'Information et de la Communication) en Tunisie, ce texte montre bien à la fois les défis et les difficultés auxquels sont confrontées les instances chargées de l'organisation du secteur des médias sur le continent africain. Co
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mment élaborer et imposer des critères clairs et objectifs pour attribuer les fréquences aux nouveaux opérateurs privés? Comment aider à la transformation des médias gouvernementaux en médias publics? Comment garantir les intérêts du public en imposant certains critères de professionnalisme aux médias locaux, mais aussi étrangers? Autant de questions qui se posent aujourd'hui en Tunisie, mais qui sont toujours d'actualité dans de nombreux pays d'Afrique subsaharienne où elles n'ont pas, jusqu'à présent, trouvé de réponse satisfaisante." (Introduction, page 9)
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"This study carries out an independent assessment of the Audiovisual Media Authority (AMA) of Albania. The scope of the study is to apply the INDIREG methodology to the AMA and provide contextual interpretation of the results with policy recommendations. The INDIREG methodology offers a scientifical
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ly backed methodology to appraise the formal and de facto independence of supervisory authorities in the audiovisual media sector on five different dimensions: (1) Status and powers, (2) Financial autonomy, (3) Autonomy of decision-makers, (4) Knowledge and transparency and (5) accountability." (Executive summary)
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"This policy brief builds upon the findings of a research report that looked specifically on the ways in which three media institutions - Independent Media Commission (IMC); Radio Television of Kosovo (RTK) and the Press Council of Kosovo (PCK) – established in the aftermath of conflict with consi
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derable foreign media assistance - have evolved. The independence and long-term sustainability of the RTK and IMC are important conditions that Kosovo government must ensure as it moves closer towards the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) with the EU. The PCK also remains an important institution for the Kosovo press affairs. As such, these institutions are a cornerstone for a sound media system in Kosovo." (Pages 5-6)
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"The study has three general objectives: (1) A detailed legal description and analysis of the audiovisual media services regulatory bodies in the Member States, in candidate and potential candidate countries of the European Union and the EFTA countries, as well as four non-European countries; (2) an
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analysis of the effective implementation of the legal framework in these countries; and (3) the identification of key characteristics constituting an independent regulatory body in light of the AVMS Directive. Various theoretical approaches on independent regulatory bodies and reasons for their establishment are unfolded in the study. It can be concluded that there have been and are a number of arguments for separating the regulatory task from traditional public authorities (e.g. governments) and market players. However, the independence and autonomy of these regulatory bodies is seen to be associated with risks, which are usually minimalised by number of counterbalancing measures, such as appropriate accountability mechanisms." (Executive summary, page 7)
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"[...] En este informe confirmamos que si bien existen avances en algunos países, la mayor parte de ellos mantiene un sistema regulatorio y políticas públicas de radio y televisión que violan la libertad de expresión; que se traducen en prácticas discrecionales y discriminatorias en la adjudic
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ación de frecuencias; que no establecen límites reales a la concentración de medios; que imponen barreras a las comunidades indígenas, las organizaciones sociales y otros medios no comerciales al acceso equitativo, y que, además, disponen limitaciones técnicas y económicas que impiden su desarrollo, lo que deriva en el silenciamiento de voces disidentes y diversas e impacta gravemente a la democracia, situación que se ha venido agudizando con los procesos de convergencia y transición tecnológica. Estos procesos, que avanzan rápidamente, podrían –y deberían- ser una gran oportunidad para garantizar el ejercicio de la libertad de expresión en condiciones de pluralidad y diversidad. Sin embargo, existe una preocupante tendencia hacia una mayor concentración de medios de comunicación por efecto de la expansión de servicios de quienes ya cuentan con frecuencias del espectro radioeléctrico, por lo que consideramos conveniente que la CIDH determine estándares específcios que permitan tanto el artículo 13º de la Convención Americana sobre Derechos Humanos, como la Declaración de Principios sobre Libertad de Expresión, de 2000, en materia de regulación de servicios de comunicación audiovisual y radiodifusión, tanto en lo que toca a los entornos existentes como a la transición a los soportes digitales, previa a la adopción de normas nacionales para garantizar una distribución y asignación de espectro compatibles con el Estado de Derecho y el pluralismo." (Introducción)
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"The Law, published on 22 December 2010, is an amendment to the 2004 Law on Social Responsibility on Radio and Television. The 2010 amended Law extends the power of the state to control electronic media in the same way as traditional broadcasting. The Law aims at “establishing social responsibilit
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y” for all participants and “to set a balance between their duties, liberties and rights”. While these purposes are recognised as legitimate by international law, ARTICLE 19 is concerned by four aspects of the law. Firstly, the Law includes no safeguards against disproportionate and arbitrary restrictions on freedom of expression. In particular, there is no requirement for restrictions to meet the three-party test established by international law. In light of the severity of the provided sanctions, and the unnecessarily intrusive nature of certain restrictions, such an omission has troubling implications for freedom of expression. Secondly, the Law fails to secure the independence of the broadcast regulators. While several regulatory bodies are established to implement the law, all are either part of the government or controlled by the government. This contradicts international standards and further exposes media regulators to arbitrary and politically-motivated decisions. Thirdly, the Law contains some unclear prohibitions – with sanctions in place for “[encouraging] anxiety amount citizenry”, or “[disregarding] legitimate authorities” - which risk being used arbitrarily to place broadcast media under political control and to limit media pluralism. Finally, the Law contains broad provisions for state control over the internet, with electronic media being regulated in the same way as traditional broadcasting. Such an approach to Internet regulation impedes both the right to freedom of expression and the right to privacy." (Executive summary)
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"This collective report examines the principal dimensions of media policy in 14 European countries (Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Germany, Greece, Italy, Romania, Slovakia, Spain, Turkey and the UK), probing into the historical forces, national traditions and distinct politi
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cal and socio-economic contexts in which media policies have emerged and developed. The analysis explores the main instruments for media regulation in the countries under study, and assesses the implications of the established media policy strategies for democratic politics. The country chapters follow a similar structure. Following a brief introduction, the analysis focuses on the media landscape of the countries under review, offering an overview of the national media market (the press, broadcast media, online media and news agencies), as well as a discussion of the status of the journalistic profession and media literacy. The third section presents the major actors involved in media policymaking and proceeds with a succinct presentation and explanation of the national regulatory framework for the media, focusing mainly on structural and content regulation. The final section provides a critical assessment of the principal issues and trends that characterise the media policies of the countries under study, together with an assessment of the degree to which they enable the media to feed the democratic process. The report also contains a chapter discussing the media-related initiatives of the European Union and the Council of Europe, focusing on the interventions that are of relevance and importance to the protection and promotion of media freedom and independence." (Introductory note, page 10)
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"During the past 15 years Central Africa, and specifically Burundi, Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo, have been through devastating wars in which the media became actors. In 1993, some Burundese newspapers were described as ‘hate media’ and one year later Radio télévision mille coll
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ines (RTLM) in Rwanda became the first of those described as ‘death media’, preparing minds for genocide and helping in its implementation. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, in1998, certain newspapers took to inciting ethnic hatred and violence towards some Congolese citizens. By 2006, when this research was completed, these three countries were undergoing fragile peace processes and trying to rebuild themsleves. The media certainly have a major role to play in helping to soothe the hatred and move people from different communities back into dialogue. But how should the media sector be reorganized in countries where the media have contributed to killings? What is the best way to find a balance between freedom and control in a context where the microphone and the pen have been weapons of murder? This is one of the main issues that must be addressed by the communications regulatory bodies which have been established to support press freedom and to organize and monitor the media landscape." (Abstract)
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