"Die Arbeit widmet sich der Dynamik öffentlicher Online-Deliberation. Basierend auf einer kritischen Auseinandersetzung mit dem klassischen Deliberationskonzept werden neben der Argumentation ausserdem Narration, Emotionsäusserungen und Humor als deliberative Kommunikationsformen diskutiert. Neben
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der Gegenargumentation werden Empathie, Konstruktivität, Reflexivität und echte Fragen als Bestandteile deliberativer Reziprozität betrachtet. Empirisch wird mittels relationaler Inhalts- und Sequenzanalyse zweier Online-Beteiligungsverfahren untersucht, inwiefern unterschiedliche Kommunikationsformen nachfolgende klassische und inklusive deliberative Reziprozität beeinflussen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The Digital citizenship education handbook is intended for teachers and parents, education decision makers and platform providers alike. It describes in depth the multiple dimensions that make up each of 10 digital citizenship domains, and includes a fact sheet on each domain providing ideas, good
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practice and further references to support educators in building the competences that will stand children in good stead when they are confronted with the challenges of tomorrow’s digital world. The Digital citizenship education handbook is consistent with the Council of Europe’s Reference Framework of Competences for Democratic Culture and compatible for use with the Internet literacy handbook." (Back cover)
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"This paper examines the practices, performance, and perceptions of the messaging platform Telegram as an actor in the 2020 Belarus protests, using publicly available data from Telegram’s public statements, protest-related Telegram groups, and media coverage. Developing a novel conceptualization o
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f platform actorness, we critically assess Telegram’s role in the protests and examine whether Telegram is seen as playing an active role in Belarusian contentious politics. We find that Telegram’s performance and practices drive citizens to form affective connections to the platform and to perceive Telegram as an ally in their struggle against repressions and digital censorship. Meanwhile, the Belarusian state uses Telegram’s aversion to censorship and content moderation to intervene in contentious politics by co-opting grassroots approaches and mimicking manipulative efforts of other authoritarian regimes. Our conceptual framework is applicable to post-Soviet authoritarian contexts, but can also serve as a useful heuristic for analyzing platform actorness in other regime types." (Abstract)
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"E-participation is the use of Information and Communications Technologies (ICTs) or digital technologies to involve citizens in public decision-making with the goal of empowering citizens and for the benefit of society as a whole. It is part of e-governance, a term that refers to the use of ICTs in
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governance functions. Broadly, e-governance comprises government service provision (e-government); government information platforms and e-participation platforms through which public decision-making takes place. Developments in digital technologies have led to convergence of one or all of e-governance components. For example, with the COVID-19 pandemic, many governments publish health information online for their citizens. During particular campaigns, such as vaccination drives, government officers use their systems to contact people, collect data and provide the vaccination and follow-ups. The same system may be used to collect feedback on services received." (Introduction, page 1)
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"Key findings include: 1. Peru’s digital ecosystem is one of many contrasts. There have been sustained advances over the last 30 years in connectivity, digital literacy, digital rights, digital government, and the digital economy; 2. Challenges in digital policy implementation and coordination cap
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acity slow efforts to remedy digital divides and secure important digital safeguards; 3. The dense Amazon and the Andes mountains challenge the success of traditional models for rural connectivity; 4. Improving digital literacy for all Peruvians is a central element of the government’s strategy for inclusive digital transformation; 5. Regulations in the digital space are at odds with the protection of basic digital rights, such as freedom of expression online; 6. Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) struggle to carve out a role to influence the digital ecosystem; 7. Peru’s enabling environment for digital financial inclusion in terms of policy and regulation is positive, but challenges remain in terms of product offerings and customer uptake; 8. International and regional players dominate Peru’s growing e-commerce landscape. Technology startups are hitting their stride, but continue to face a multitude of challenges. Technology remains out of reach for the country’s large base of informal micro-, small, and medium enterprises." (https://www.usaid.gov/digital-development)
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"Key findings include: Moldova is home to a competitive telecommunications market, affordable internet, and well developed internet infrastructure, much of which has been achieved over the last 10 years; cybersecurity implementation and capacity have not kept pace with policy development. The govern
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ment introduced regulatory and policy measures on cybersecurity in an effort to harmonize with EU protocols. However, implementation requires support due in part to a fragmented cybersecurity ecosystem, a shallow cybersecurity talent pool, and gaps in government technical capacity; digital literacy is a clear policy priority and Moldova is on par with its regional counterparts when it comes to the public’s general digital skill levels; Moldova’s digital government systems and services are advanced with more than 200 public services partially or fully digitalized; Moldova has a relatively open environment in terms of internet freedom but gaps persist with regard to key legislation on data protection, access to information, and the protection of children and youth from digital harms; The ICT sector is experiencing exponential growth, but it is afflicted by an undersupply of technically skilled talent and a shortage of promising technology startups; while the National Bank of Moldova does not have a dedicated financial inclusion unit or a strategy to improve outcomes, e-commerce is at the forefront of the government’s agenda." (https://www.usaid.gov/digital-development)
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"Key findings include: Connectivity infrastructure is fairly well developed in coastal urban areas but lags behind in Libya’s sparsely populated southern region; COVID-19 has accelerated the adoption of digital tools and services across sectors; however, Libyans are reluctant to adopt new tools du
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e to unfamiliarity with specific platforms, lack of trust, lack of digital literacy, or when they feel these tools and services are unnecessary; Many Libyan internet users are “Facebook literate,” but are less familiar with more advanced digital tools such as online payments; Libya’s decade-long conflict and instability have limited the House of Representatives' ability to clarify roles, and responsibilities, and to pass new legislation. Laws from the previous regime are still technically in force; The government is prioritizing digitalization; however, there are significant barriers to execution. These are tied to inadequate digital infrastructure, a piecemeal approach rather than an overall strategy, and insufficient legal and regulatory frameworks; Libyan government institutions have uneven cybersecurity capabilities and there is no information publicly available on cybersecurity strategies, data privacy laws or authority, or effective cyber crisis management; Civil society organizations and journalists have limited capacity to respond to cyber attacks and online harassment, often leading to self-censorship." (https://www.usaid.gov/digital-development)
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"The Eastern and Southern Caribbean (ESC) Regional Digital Ecosystem Country Assessment (DECA) report presents the findings and recommendations of the DECA, covering 11 ESC countries: Antigua & Barbuda, Barbados, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Saint Kitts & Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent & the Grenad
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ines, Suriname, The Bahamas, and Trinidad & Tobago. The report outlines the key aspects of the region’s digital ecosystem and provides 10 recommendations for the international development community to create a more inclusive, safe, and enabling environment to achieve development outcomes in these small island nations. Guided by two USAID/ESC priorities, i) improving government accountability and transparency; and ii) strengthening community resilience, the DECA process consisted of desk research, consultations with USAID/ESC technical offices, and 63 key informant interviews with stakeholders across the region from civil society, academia, and the private and public sectors." (https://www.usaid.gov/digital-development)
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"Key findings: Overcoming the digital divides between men and women and urban and rural populations requires long-term planning and resource commitments that include broad stakeholder engagement and coordination [...] The public’s appetite for online content is growing, but accessible, diverse, hi
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gh-quality educational and professional content in local languages is sorely lacking [...] High, unmet demand for digital and IT talent and a weak digital startup ecosystem are critical bottlenecks to growing Uzbekistan’s domestic IT sector and driving digital transformation across the economy [...] The COVID-19 pandemic has strengthened the Government’s commitment to digital transformation of the health sector." (Executive summary, page 12)
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"This article takes up the popular argument that much online discussion is toxic and hence harmful to democracy, and argues that the pervasiveness of incivility is not incompatible with democratically relevant political talk. Instead of focusing on the tone of political talk, scholars interested in
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understanding the extent to which digital platforms threaten democratic values should focus on expressions of intolerance. I demonstrate the validity of this conceptual model by investigating the discursive and contextual features associated with incivility and intolerance online in the context of public comments in two different platforms—news websites and Facebook. Results show that incivility and intolerance occur in meaningfully different discussion settings. Whereas incivility is associated with features that reveal meaningful discursive engagement, such as justified opinion expression and engagement with disagreement, intolerance is likely to occur in homogeneous discussions about minorities and civil society—exactly when it can hurt democracy the most." (Abstract)
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"Presentamos en este texto una ingente obra colectiva de investigaciones, propuestas, reflexiones, estudios y proyectos en el emergente ámbito de la educación mediática. Con 151 capítulos de 298 autores únicos se ofrece una panorámica general en un mundo postpandemia global con un análisis po
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liédrico del complejo entramado educomunicativo que vivimos. Educadores, comunicadores y educomunicadores, así como profesionales de los más diversos ámbitos de las ciencias sociales abordan aproximaciones complejas, apegadas a la práctica, sobre la sociedad actual, no solo haciendo una radiografía, más o menos amplia, sino también realizando propuestas educomunicativas que mejoren los parámetros de convivencia con los medios." (Prólogo)
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"Civil society technology, or civic tech, is one of the novel notions introduced by the digital age – a new form of social interaction and implementation of fundamental human rights. The dominating discourse that civic tech is about optimising and digitising public services is challenged by the ex
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amples of autocracies, like Belarus, where the rise of civic tech initiatives pre-, mid-, and post- the 2020 presidential election present examples of digital resistance to repressive state policies. In this paper, we seek to analyse the notion of civic tech in Belarus, identify its distinctive features, the role it plays as a tool of digital resistance, and the impact it has on human rights." (Page 1)
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"With the diffusion of the internet, media and communication research witnessed the emergence of a new term, ‘engagement’. Although, the term is widely used it is poorly defined and in need of explication. Through semantic network analysis, the analysis shows how traditions, as varied as audienc
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e research, political science, science communication, marketing studies and media psychology, have put the concept to use for very different purposes. Clusters in the network map demonstrate clear demarcations between traditions and perspectives on the ontology of engagement. Following from this mapping, the article evaluates the different perspectives and outlines key issues that scholars need to deal with to advance engagement as an analytical concept in media and communications research. In the end, the article argues that engagement should foreground the reflexive capacities of individuals rather than instrumental interactions or societal participation. In this way, the concept can retain its specificity and richness rather than turn into a colloquial term with vague and indistinct connotations." (Abstract
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"Through our booklet we do not want to encourage just "any kind" of online expression. We want to promote a specific way to express oneself online. Our intention is to stimulate structured and socially oriented active participation online, as a continuation of Civil Society Organisations' effort to
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promote active participation in society. In this sense, what characterizes online active participation is the presence of different elements: the creation of relationships; the building of a community or the fact of representing a community; the collective interest; the intention to produce a change, to influence society. As civil society organisations, active participation of citizens is part of our mission, and today, more than ever, we have to be able to rethink our way to pursue it, including the online space within our range of intervention. This is why we consider it a stimulating and important challenge to accompany educators and school teachers to promote a more creative, active and wise use of the web, exploring the opportunities given not only by social media and blogs, but also by more structured means such as web radio and web TV." (Introduction)
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"Wie wahren wir die Menschen-, Grund- und Bürgerrechte? Und wie können wir unsere Werte für die Gestaltung disruptiver Innovationen und der digitalen Zukunft nutzen? Die Autor*innen aus Politik, Wissenschaft und Praxis zeigen auf, wie technologische Phänomene mit unseren Werten in Einklang gebra
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cht werden können und diskutieren normative Impulse und Ideen für die Regelung des Gemeinwohls in der digitalen Welt." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The Serbian government prioritizes digitalization. Serbia’s digital transformation accelerated in 2017 with the government’s focus on building a digital government, or “digitalization” as defined by Serbians, and Serbia’s participation in the Digital Agenda for the Western Balkans. As one
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Serbian official described it, digitalization refers to the “fundamental changes reflected in the emergence of an efficient, economical, and transparent public administration.” Although there is no comprehensive national policy for Information and Communications Technology (ICT), Serbia’s digital agenda includes initiatives ranging from expanding connectivity to developing the ICT industry. Prime Minister Brnabic has been a champion for digitalization, and digital transformation will continue to be a key priority in the coming years. Digital connectivity infrastructure in the country is strong and growing. Fourth-generation (4G) mobile broadband covers more than 90 percent of the population. The government and top mobile network operators (MNOs) plan to deploy 5G networks in the near future. Donors such as the European Union (EU) support the expansion of fiber-optic connectivity to connect rural schools. China’s Digital Silk Road Initiative has had a substantial role in building Serbia’s digital infrastructure, ranging from Safe City infrastructure to providing cloud infrastructure and developing an artificial intelligence (AI) platform for the government. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the government swiftly embraced online schooling and expanded digital government services. Fragmentation and uneven levels of buy-in across the executive branch hinders Serbian digital government efforts. Serbia’s approach to multi-stakeholder internet governance has also been uneven, with industry and civil society stakeholders lamenting a lack of public engagement. Serbian civil society is working to protect digital rights and freedoms. A growing network of organizations in Serbia and across Southeast Europe is working to protect free expression online, promote information security, and publicize digital rights violations." (https://www.usaid.gov/digital-development)
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"The EU Support to Democratic Governance in Nigeria (EU SDGN) project funded by the EU employed a ‘social media first’ approach to strengthen the political knowledge, understanding, discussion and efficacy of young (18-24 years) women and men across all 36 states and FCT in Nigeria. High-impact
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social media content in the form of infographics, short factual films, still photographs, short drama skits and Public Service Announcements were produced and posted under the EU SDGN project (and MI-VotE project) across our BBC Media Action Arewa (Hausa) and Naija (English) Facebook and Instagram platforms to share balanced information on electoral and political processes, role model political participation, and engage young Nigerians in social issues that matter to them. The project also strengthened the capacity of media organisations across Nigeria to provide more trusted, accurate and balanced social media content that meets audience needs." (Page 1)
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"This book frames digital sovereignty as a right to be claimed and a process constantly in the making, as a condition of the ability to critically partake in the digital transformation. Emphasizing a political and transformative significance of the term, this interdisciplinary publication gathers sc
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holars, activists, artists and human rights advocates who develop practices or provide spaces and structures to foster sophisticated means of digital involvement. Its aim is to identify diverse facets of what it means to be digitally sovereign, but also to critically discuss the viability of the term, especially in the light of modern-day crises and for the many future challenges yet to come. The positions assembled in this volume analyze new opportunities for social participation and policy making and recommend alternative technological and social practices utilized by various groups and collectives – both before and after COVID-19." (Introduction, page 13)
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