"Esta es una obra miscelánea que se adentra, desde múltiples perspectivas, en las interacciones entre educación y comunicación por medio de la influencia global de las redes sociales. En un contexto hiperconectado, pero no necesariamente ‘empoderado,’ resulta esencial la formación en compet
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encias mediáticas para que la ciudadanía pueda responder de forma inteligente, crítica y creativa ante el gran reto de la ‘pantalla global.’ El texto es resultado de los trabajos de la Red Interuniversitaria Euroamericana «Alfamed» en el V Congreso Internacional de Competencias Mediáticas: «Redes sociales y ciudadanía: Hacia un mundo ciberconectado y empoderado», celebrado en dos modalidades: versión virtual del 14 al 16 de octubre de 2020, y versión presencial del 5 al 7 de mayo de 2021 en Quito (Ecuador)." (Cubierta del libro)
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"This text, of exploratory stamp, debates the digital activism in contemporary Brazil. Methodologically, we will make a discussion on cyberactivism, digital media, and national pressure groups starting from two examples, Movimento Brasil Livre (The Free Brazil Movement) and Vem pra Rua (Come to The
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Street movement) – these are key movements in the organisation of the big anti-government mobilisation that took place in 2015–2016 in Brazil. The theme is important because it embraces current and future challenges of the digital activism, once that this field faced significant changes in the last decades, with the development of interactive media and the technological convergence." (Abstract)
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"This report focuses on how digital-born news media navigate audience engagement in the context of both rapid developments in a digital, mobile, and platform-dominated media environment and significant political pressure, including the ‘weaponisation’ of social media to target and harass indepen
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dent news organisations and individual journalists, along with their audiences. It is based on analysis of data from Participatory Action Research, including fieldwork and interviews at three news organisations in the process of actively redefining audience engagement. They are Rappler (the Philippines), Daily Maverick (South Africa), and The Quint (India) – all commercial news organisations of the Global South, whose public interest journalism has been recognised with top international industry awards. We show how these outlets, two of which – Rappler and The Quint – relied heavily on social media for distribution and audience engagement at the outset, are now faced with the risks accompanying open and social journalism at-scale, including the ‘weaponisation’ of online communities by political actors, and the frequently changing priorities of the platforms. We find that, in response to political attacks, and the risks associated with various forms of what we’re calling platform capture’, these news organisations are evolving, and are increasingly focused on forging deeper, narrower, and stronger relationships with audiences, emphasising physical encounters, investment in niche audiences over empty reach, and moving communities to action." (Publisher description)
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"This report examines how digital-born news media in the Global South have developed innovative reporting and storytelling practices in response to growing disinformation problems. Based on field observation and interviews at Rappler in the Philippines, Daily Maverick in South Africa, and The Quint
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in India, we show that all three organisations combine a clear sense of mission and a commitment to core journalistic values with an active effort to find new ways of identifying and countering disinformation, based on a combination of investigative journalism fact-checking, data and social network analysis, and sometimes strategic collaboration with both audiences and platform companies. In the process, each of these organisations are developing new capacities and skills, sharing them across the newsroom, differentiating themselves from their competitors, and potentially increasing their long-term sustainability, in ways we believe other news media worldwide could learn from. All three case organisations we examine here are digital-born, mobile-first (or in the process of becoming so), and at least in part enabled by social media in terms of audience development and reach. While smaller than their most important legacy media competitors, all have built significant online audiences across their websites and social media channels. They represent a strategic sample of leading digital-born commercial news media operating with limited resources in challenging media, political, and press freedom environments in the Global South." (Publisher description)
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"L’étude suggère que les médias sociaux ne sont pas toujours la panacée pour l’engagement citoyen des jeunes. Internet n’est pas un monde isolé en soi dans le sens où il ne fait que prolonger les usages éprouvés dans la vie citoyenne. Son rôle dans l’essor des Révolutions arabes a
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quelques fois été surestimé. Sans aucun doute, les médias sociaux permettent aux jeunes hommes et femmes, déjà engagés dans les champs civils et politiques, de se structurer davantage, mais ils peuvent difficilement faire germer des vocations nouvelles envers la chose publique, notamment auprès de groupes auto-exclus de la sphère citoyenne comme les jeunes vulnérables, les jeunes femmes ou encore les populations rurales. L’originalité de l’étude tient en premier lieu à l’examen des « contenus participatifs », c’est-à-dire les divers types de contenus et de messages publiés par les usagers des plateformes jugées populaires auprès des jeunes. Ainsi, l’étude analyse savamment les dispositifs techniques ou technologiques, susceptibles d’accroître le succès et l’interactivité des plateformes web dirigées par et pour les jeunes, ainsi que les contenus qui y sont produits et relayés. Elle apporte des enseignements précieux dont la nécessaire agrégation de contenus et de ressources ciblant simultanément différentes tranches d’âges et d’usage, la nécessité de favoriser des sujets relatifs à la situation concrète des jeunes, et l’impératif d’alterner intelligemment des activités en ligne et des actions en présentiel (face-to-face). D’autres facteurs semblent susceptibles de rehausser l’attractivité et le dynamisme des plateformes, comme par exemple, la mise en avant de personnalités influentes et identifiables, la garantie de l’anonymat et de la sécurité des usagers ainsi que la lutte contre la censure, notamment dans les contextes de crise marqués par une réduction des libertés. Fait inattendu, l’étude relativise l’importance, sinon l’attrait, des dimensions graphiques et purement visuelles pour le succès et la pérennité des plateformes." (Préface, page 7)
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"Son cuatro los capítulos que acá se incluyen que reúnen teoría, conceptos, casos, iniciativas, datos, ejemplos y, por supuesto, reflexión y análisis. Los capítulos abarcan: 1. Definiciones sobre Democracia Digital. Se revisa de manera teórica, clara y concisa lo que es la Democracia Digital
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: qué significa, su alcance y cómo afecta directamente a todos. Se explica la importancia de la e-participación y la deliberación en la era digital. El propósito es demostrar cómo Internet y las TIC pueden aportar favorablemente en la consolidación de la democracia. 2. Ciudadanía Digital: empoderamiento y cambio en la era digital. Se define al Ciudadano 2.0 y se exponen los casos emblemáticos en el Perú sobre cómo la ciudadanía se ha adaptado rápidamente a los procesos de digitalización; así como iniciativas que han logrado cambios y resultados importantes en la sociedad. Además, se destaca la importancia de la relación entre el mundo online y offline. 3. La política en tiempos digitales. Se inicia analizando cómo las redes sociales contribuyen a la polarización, a la desinformación y al surgimiento de populismos. Examina las campañas presidenciales de Obama y Trump; así como el papel de los partidos políticos en el Perú. Incluye los esfuerzos que se han impulsado desde el sector público para implementar las políticas referidas al Gobierno Abierto y la apertura de datos, además, de los procesos de digitalización que se han iniciado para lograr una transformación digital en el sector. 4. Gobernanza de Internet y los Derechos Humanos en línea. Se revisan los conceptos relacionados a la gobernanza de Internet, establecidos en la Cumbre Mundial de la Sociedad de la Información de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas (ONU). Se hace un repaso a los esfuerzos que ya se han emprendido para proteger los derechos humanos online y otros instrumentos internacionales en el marco de la ONU, Unesco y el sistema interamericano a fin de fortalecer el ecosistema digital." (Página 26-27)
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"Social media engagement alone can achieve limited results in promoting public accountability for police misconduct in Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda but can and has served as a valuable tool in this endeavour. The percentage of the population in Africa that engages in discussions on social media platfo
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rms about the actions and behaviour of the police is currently small. This number has the potential to grow exponentially over the next decade with advances in mobile connectivity and as the public realise the power of harnessing social media as a tool to promote good governance and demand accountability from government. Social media engagement can facilitate communication between police agencies and the public, allowing for information to flow between these groups. Well-coordinated, strategic social media campaigns by civil society in the countries reviewed can mobilise the public, energise large groups of people and achieve tangible results. Civil society can develop systematic strategies to engage with the police in different ways. These strategies include using positive interactions to build trust and open the lines of communication, and using photographs and videos of specific events and incidents of police misconduct gathered through social media to demand accountability." (Key findings)
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"Dans ces quatre pays africains (Bénin, Kenya, Sénégal, Tunisie) où l’étude a été réalisée, il apparaît qu’à l’origine des civic tech se trouvent le plus souvent des citoyens et des citoyennes engagés, désireux de traduire leur frustration, et parfois leur colère, devant le déca
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lage observé entre l’affirmation officielle de principes démocratiques et une réalité de terrain assez éloignée des discours. Pour la grande majorité d’entre eux, les initiateurs de ces actions ont suivi des parcours universitaires exigeants et connu des expériences à l’étranger. Les hommes sont très largement majoritaires, à l’exception du Kenya où les femmes sont presque aussi nombreuses que les hommes. Elles considèrent toutefois qu’elles ne se trouvent pas sur un pied d’égalité, notamment lorsqu’il s’agit pour elles de prendre la parole publiquement ou de se lancer dans l’entrepreneuriat. Les difficultés d’une mobilisation à grande échelle Les jeunes adultes (20-25 ans) qui s’investissent dans les civic tech s’engagent généralement pour exprimer une forme d’irritation face aux dérives liées à la corruption ou au manque de prise en compte de l’avis des citoyens dans les décisions politiques. De l’avis général des « doyens » (activistes des civic tech ayant plus de 6 ou 7 ans d’expérience) que nous avons interrogés, la jeune génération est très prometteuse, car mieux formée sur les nouvelles technologies et très mobilisée sur les objectifs de bonne gouvernance et de participation citoyenne. En termes d’audience et de développement, l’étude montre que, dans les quatre pays concernés, les acteurs des civic tech rencontrent le plus souvent des difficultés à mobiliser de larges communautés de citoyens. Ils peinent à faire entendre leur message dans des pays où l’illettrisme au sens littéral et au sens numérique sont importants. Il en résulte des actions qui mobilisent essentiellement un petit nombre de citoyens, à la fois très engagés et très motivés. En général, le système d’organisation des initiatives civic tech varie selon les projets : le degré de structuration est plus ou moins formel et dépend surtout de l’ancienneté des initiatives, de l’ampleur des financements collectés et, in fine, du nombre de participants actifs impliqués à temps plein. Lorsqu’une forme de professionnalisation de l’action est évoquée, beaucoup de nos interlocuteurs mentionnent la difficulté à recruter et à fidéliser des profils combinant sensibilité aux questions de redevabilité et de transparence, savoir-faire en matière de gestion de projet, capacités technologiques et maîtrise des techniques de communication, notamment sur les réseaux sociaux." (Résumé analytique)
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"Based on over 40 interviews with practitioners, this report identifies “civic media practice” as media and technology used to facilitate democratic process. It focuses specifically on those practitioners using media tools to form relationships and build trust - a practice that sometimes runs co
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unter to the apparent needs of organizations to enhance efficiency through technology. This report identifies civic media practice as a direct response to the crisis of distrust and describes the negotiation of values that takes place as media is designed and deployed in organizations.
The process of identification and evaluation of civic media practice is described in detail. The report presents a method of process evaluation that allows practitioners to measure their progress along two central axes: social infrastructure and objective. Civic media practice is always striving towards strong social infrastructure and longevity. As a means of measuring progress along these axes, we identify four activities that can be tracked. They include: 1) Network Building; 2) Holding Space for Discussion; 3) Distributing Ownership; 4) Persistent Input. We present reflective questions that can be asked throughout a civic media project to track progress in these areas.
Finally, we provide recommendations for practitioners and funders as they create and support civic media practice. The institution of civic media is nascent. This report is meant to solidify common principles and provide direction for those invested in transforming civic life through media practice." (Executive summary, page 5)
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"This article explores the dynamics of digital (dis)information in the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. International Relations scholars have presented the online debate in terms of ‘information warfare’—that is, a number of strategic campaigns to win over local and global public opinion,
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largely orchestrated by the Kremlin and pro-western authorities. However, this way of describing the online debate reduces civil society to a mere target for manipulation. This article presents a different understanding of the debate. By examining the social media engagement generated by one of the conflict's most important events—the downing of the Malaysian Airlines Flight 17 (MH17) over Ukraine—we explore how competing claims about the cause of the plane crash are disseminated by the state, media and civil society. By analysing approximately 950,000 tweets, the article demonstrates how individual citizens are more than purveyors of government messages; they are the most active drivers of both disinformation and attempts to counter such information. These citizen curators actively shape competing narratives about why MH17 crashed and citizens, as a group, are four times more likely to be retweeted than any other type of user. Our findings challenge conceptualizations of a state-orchestrated information war over Ukraine, and point to the importance of citizen activity in the struggle over truths during international conflicts." (Abstract)
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"Focusing on sub-Saharan Africa and occasionally drawing comparisons with other regions of the world, this book critically addresses the development of the field focusing on the current opportunities and challenges within the African context. By using a wide variety of case studies that include Moza
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mbique, Zambia, Rwanda, Zimbabwe, Ghana, Kenya, Uganda, South Africa, Ivory Coast and Nigeria, the collection gives space to previously understudied regions of sub-Saharan Africa and challenges the over-reliance of western scholarship on political communication on the continent." (Publisher description)
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"Ciudadanía digital y democracia participativa trata de describir experiencias concretas y procesos de apropiación y rebelión frente al actual statu quo tecnocrático a través de dos ejes conceptuales claramente definidos:--Propuestas teóricas y analíticas para el estudio de la Ciudadanía Dig
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ital manifestada a través de prácticas de Democracia Participativa.--Estudios de caso que abarcan desde la apropiación y transformación de las tecnologías digitales por parte de comunidades indígenes; pasando por las prácticas de ingeniería social comunicativa como Comunitlán (Puebla, México); hasta los usos tecnopolíticos que entran en juego en la arena de la disputa política a lo largo de la región, desde Bolivia a México o Venezuela." (Cubierta del libro)
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"The literature on the social uses of social technologies is substantial and expanding. Using over 400 sources, the current review outlines the key themes emerging from academic, grey literature and online material in this field. Much of this literature argues for the transformative power of social
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media, through its capacity to democratise and generate action through horizontal networks. The literature is dominated by studies of and commentary on the political impact of social media use, in particular in forms of protest. But while these technologies may have helped to change some processes, there seems to have been little lasting impact on broader outcomes in terms of empowerment, equalities or social justice. Nor is there evidence, at the less-publicised level of the community sector, that such outcomes have been or will be affected by uses of social media. Within the third sector literature, the dominance of material relating to marketing and fundraising for charities obscures a lack of case studies of community organisations’ use of social media. Research suggests that networked individuals may now carry out community action roles more efficiently than organisations. There is evidence that social media is changing the way social actions are organised: not just collective action but also ‘connective’ action. Community organisations will need to adjust to a changing role in the processes of knowledge generation and sharing." (Abstract)
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"The objective of this book is to outline how a radically democratic politics can be reinvigorated in theory and practice through the use of the internet. The author argues that politics in its proper sense can be distinguished from anti-politics by analyzing the configuration of public space, subje
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ctivity, participation, and conflict. Each of these terrains can be configured in a more or less political manner, though the contemporary status quo heavily skews them towards anti-political configuration. Using this understanding of what exactly politics entails, this book considers how the internet can both help and hinder efforts to move each area in a more political direction. By explicitly interpreting contemporary theories of the political in terms of the internet, this analysis avoids the twin traps of both technological determinism and technological cynicism. Raising awareness of what the word 'politics' means, the author develops theoretical work by Arendt, Rancière, Zizek and Mouffe to present a clear and coherent view of how in theory, politics can be digitized and alternatively how the internet can be deployed in the service of trulydemocratic politics." (Back cover)
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"In this short book, internationally renowned scholar of political communication, Stephen Coleman, argues that the best way to strengthen democracy is to re-invent it for the twenty-first century. Governments and global institutions have failed to seize the opportunity to democratise their ways of o
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perating, but online citizens are ahead of them, developing practices that could revolutionise the exercise of political power." (Publisher description)
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