"Seit Beginn des russischen Angriffskriegs gegen die Ukraine im Februar 2022 nutzen Rechtsextreme die Ereignisse und Entwicklungen für ihre Propaganda. Dabei lassen sich sowohl pro-ukrainische als auch prorussische Positionierungen beobachten. Insbesondere werden gezielt Desinformationen und Versch
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wörungserzählungen verbreitet. Eine zentrale Plattform stellt Telegram dar: Rechtsextreme und verschwörungsideologische Akteur:innen können hier ungestört ihre Propaganda betreiben, meist ohne Löschungen befürchten zu müssen." (Seite 2)
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"Diese Untersuchung widmet sich der deutschen Propaganda in Lateinamerika während des Ersten Weltkrieges aus einer transnationalen Perspektive. Dabei fragt sie zunächst nach den Produktionsbedingungen und zeigt, dass deutsche Propaganda durch ein plurizentrisches Netzwerk realisiert wurde, dessen
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Akteure sich nicht zwangsläufig mit den Deutschen sympathisierten, sondern auch aufgrund von Interessenkonvergenz in der Zielsetzung mit den Deutschen kooperierten. Diese Abhängigkeit von lokalen Initiativen on the spot hatte auch Konsequenzen für die diskursive Konfiguration der Propaganda. In Argentinien, Chile und Mexiko eignete sich die deutsche Propaganda nationale wie transnationale Identitätsdiskurse an und band sie in ihre Argumentationsstrategien ein, um zwischen ihren Botschaften und den potentiellen Rezipienten Identifikation herzustellen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"What are root causes of trust and distrust in media in different political contexts? How is media use shifted from one source to another with the change of political culture? What factors shape media perception across cultures and across political regimes? Are there commonalities or are they differ
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ent? Given the common instrumentalization of media in conflict environments and the growing ubiquity of political media capture, we may also ask, whether unfettered trust in media is normatively desirable under any circumstances. Put differently: Isn’t distrust a healthy response to propaganda and media manipulation? How is the concept of media literacy connected to trust or media scepticism? Do we need to be more sceptical rather than gullible? Against the backdrop of these (and other) questions, the Forum Media and Development (fome) dedicated its 2021 annual symposium to the question of trust in media, namely the question how media perception is shaped differently by different political contexts and media structures across the globe. Fome is the German platform for international media development initiatives (fome.info), a network that includes 24 organizations working towards strengthening free and independent media in developing and transitioning countries. The 2021 fome-symposium ran under the heading “Believe it or Not! Enquiries about TRUST in media (assistance)” and was organized by MiCT. The proceedings of the conference can be found online at https://fome.info/symposium-2021-documentation. Finally, this themed issue of the Global Media Journal – German Edition is curated as an extension of the conference and an effort to follow up upon some of the most pressing questions deriving from it." (Editorial)
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"In this book, Philip Seib, one of the world's leading experts on media and war, offers a probing analysis of the role of information in warfare from the Second World War to the present day and beyond. He focuses on some of the thorniest issues on the contemporary agenda: When untruthful and inflamm
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atory information poisons a nation's political processes and weakens its social fabric, what kind of response is appropriate? How can media literacy help citizens defend themselves against information warfare? Should militaries place greater emphasis on crippling their adversaries with information rather than kinetic force? Well-written and wide-ranging, Information at War suggests answers to key questions with which governments, journalists, and the public must grapple during the years ahead." (Back cover)
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"Disinformation in armed conflict may pose several distinctive forms of harm to civilians: exposure to retaliatory violence, distortion of information vital to securing human needs, and severe mental suffering. The gravity of these harms, along with the modern nature of wartime disinformation, is ou
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t of keeping with the traditional classification of disinformation in international humanitarian law (IHL) as a permissible ruse of war. A patchwork set of protections drawn from IHL, international human rights law and international criminal law may be used to limit disinformation operations during armed conflict, but numerous gaps and ambiguities undermine the force of this legal framework, calling for further scholarly attention and clarification." (Abstract)
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"Theorising Media and Conflict is the result of a joint and interdisciplinary effort to set the theoretical and empirical agenda in theorising upon the complex relationship between media and conflict. By considering the theorisation work accomplished by the ‘Anthropology of Media’ series forerun
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ner Theorising Media and Practice (edited by Bräuchler and Postill), it takes the notion of media (as) practice to new terrain. It thus counters studies that display Western biases, normative assumptions and unsubstantiated claims about ‘media effects’ in conflict situations. Through ground-up theorising, careful contextualisation, comparative perspectives, ethnographic and other qualitative methods, it provides evidence for the co-constitutiveness of media and conflict, and contributes to the consolidation of media and conflict as a distinct area of scholarship. While the contributions to this book deal with different kinds of media and conflict situations in distinct world regions and examine various aspects of media use, they all engage with media and conflict dynamics from a participant’s perspective as well as from an analytical perspective. Such an approach allows for the theorisation of media and conflict beyond a particular type of media, conflict or region." (Preface, page ix-x)
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"This study examines disinformation and propaganda in war in the age of information particularly through social media. It analyzes Twitter's posts of the Afghan government and the Taliban, from January to March 2018. For understanding disinformation, 952 tweets of both parties were crosschecked with
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four national media outlets and a civilian protection advocacy group; and to recognize how the belligerents tried to present and propagate, their contents were analyzed to identify terms that dominate their outbound information. The study found discrepancy in information disseminated by the warring parties and mainstream media. Terrorism and Jihad were dominant frames of government and the Taliban, respectively. The findings could contribute to a greater body of literature regarding propaganda in operationalization of social media in the conflict zone." (Abstract)
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"Most of Iran’s urban population experienced the war with Iraq (1980–1988) through the burden of privation and the fear of possible airstrikes. Thus, state-produced media on national television became the main apparatus through which they connected their daily lives to the national conflict. Rav
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ayat-e Fath [The Narrative of Triumph] was one docudrama, comprised of five seasons that the state produced at different intervals between 1984 and 1987. Although Ravayat-e Fath has been presented and received as a journalistic work, it enters the realm of fiction to fulfill its objective: To recruit soldiers. Through a collage of mythical stories, epic narratives, dramatic cinematography, mourning songs accompanied by reports from war fronts, and live interviews with soldiers, the series tells a story of a promised triumph through martyrdom. Through studying Ravayat-e Fath, the most important state-supported television production of the Iran-Iraq war era, this article investigates the ways in which war propaganda in general, and the concept of martyrdom in particular, generated tools like shaming to control the population during and after the war." (Abstract)
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"The book includes an extensive section on the echoes of Rwanda, which looks at the cases of Darfur, the Central African Republic, Myanmar, and South Sudan, while the impact of social media as a new actor is examined through chapters on social media use by the Islamic State and in Syria and in other
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contexts across the developing world. It also looks at the aftermath of the genocide: the shifting narrative of the genocide itself, the evolving debate over the role and impact of hate media in Rwanda, the challenge of digitizing archival records of the genocide, and the fostering of free and independent media in atrocity's wake. The volume also probes how journalists themselves confront mass atrocity and examines the preventive function of media through the use of advanced digital technology as well as radio programming in the Lake Chad Basin and the Democratic Republic of Congo." (Publisher description)
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"Das Thema Medien und Krieg wird in diesem Buch aus einer vierfachen Perspektive heraus behandelt. Es geht zum einen um die Frage nach der Berichterstattung über Kriege, zum zweiten um die Rolle von Medien im Krieg, drittens geht es darum, welche strukturellen Bedingungen von Krieg und Gesellschaft
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die Inhalte der Medien wie prägen und viertens um eine friedensstiftende Sicht auf diese Zusammenhänge. Das Fazit: Definitorisch gibt es kaum noch einen Unterschied zwischen medialer Kommunikation und Krieg." (Publisher description)
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"This paper sets out how Russia built up its disinformation campaign, by analyzing what was said and comparing it with what was done. Using open source and social media intelligence (OSSMINT), it exposes the false claims that Russia targeted ISIS or defeated international terrorism. It reveals that,
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far from being a partner in the fight against ISIS, Russia in fact acted as a party to the civil war in Syria, fighting for Assad and against the armed groups—especially those backed by the United States—that oppose both the Syrian leader and ISIS. This study concludes that Putin’s policy was to distract, deceive, and destroy. The buildup to the Russian air strikes distracted Western and Russian attention from Putin’s Ukrainian operations and the buildup of his forces in Syria. The official campaign reports deceived the world about the mission’s true targets and goals. The operation destroyed the capabilities of the only credible non-jihadist alternative to Assad’s regime, including those elements directly backed by the West. This fits a pattern of behavior already played out in Ukraine. It can be used as a template to predict, examine, and judge his future actions." (Executive summary, page 3)
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"Seit jeher provozieren Kriege heftige Emotionen. Mit dem Fortschritt militärischer Techniken und Propagandamethoden ging aber auch eine Veränderung der Wahrnehmung von Kriegen durch die Künste einher. Bis heute konstruieren die Literatur, die Fotografie, der Film und das Fernsehen Abbilder von K
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riegsschauplätzen in aller Welt, die ihr Publikum durch die Aufrufung bestimmter ideologischer Rahmungen, Raster oder auch Pathosformeln gezielt zu emotionalisieren versuchen. Namhafte Autorinnen und Autoren aus der internationalen Literatur-, Kultur- und Medienwissenschaft untersuchen verschiedenste Phänomene der historischen und der aktuellen Kriegsinszenierung - in der Literatur seit dem 18. Jahrhundert, im Kino und in den neuen Medien." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The anti-Taliban discourse during the Swat military operation, as mediated by the Pakistani state in its propaganda campaign, was aimed at maligning the Taliban militants in order to build support and legitimacy for the military offensive. The dominant trends in the analysis of state’s propaganda
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narratives in Pakistan’s two mainstream newspapers reveal that the main ideological discourse (Islam and national security) of the state remained unchanged during the conflict. In fact, the state tried to build its anti-Taliban narrative on the same ideological discourse. Since the meta-narrative of the state did not undergo any transformation, the post-9/11 anti-terrorism narrative of the state remains a superficial discourse. The discourse analysis of Pakistani state’s anti-Taliban narratives reveals this temporality and superficiality. The state, through its propaganda campaign, portrayed the Taliban as evil, as anti-state actors, who needed to be eliminated in the interests of the country. However, the state ideology supports a pro-Taliban narrative. The only conflict is operational and temporary. Thus, the state propaganda is not directed towards all Taliban, and it is event-specific and time-specific. The state has not abandoned the Islamic ideology and its so-called strategic discourse. The Islamic ideology and the national security discourse, on the basis of which Pakistan supported the Taliban in the 90s, suit more a pro-Taliban discourse. That is why the state’s anti-Taliban propaganda kept clashing with the ideology of the state." (Conclusion, page 23)
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"Die Bedeutung von Medien für den Krieg und das Gendering des Militärischen sind zwei seit langem kontrovers diskutierte Themen in den Medien-, Kultur- und Sozialwissenschaften. Weisen etablierte stereotype Bilder von friedfertigen Frauen und kriegerischen Männern in gegenwärtigen medialen Texte
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n Brüche und Widersprüche auf oder werden sie im öffentlichen Diskurs bekräftigt? Wie tragen populäre Medienangebote in verschiedenen kulturellen Kontexten zur Legitimation oder Infragestellung von militärischen Institutionen und Gewaltakteuren bei? Welche Rollen nehmen Journalistinnen im Spannungsfeld von Kriegsberichterstattung, Konfliktbearbeitung und emanzipatorischen Vorstellungen ein? Der Band versammelt Beiträge von WissenschaftlerInnen unterschiedlicher sozial- und geisteswissenschaftlicher Disziplinen, die mediale Repräsentationen, Bilderpolitiken, Narrationen und Artikulationen von Gender in Krieg und Militär in synchroner wie diachroner Perspektive analysieren." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Über Kriege und Krisen so zu berichten, dass Leser, Hörer und Zuschauer sich ein angemessenes Bild von den komplizierten und häufig leidvollen Ereignissen machen können, erfordert besondere journalistische Qualifikationen. Die wichtigsten Voraussetzungen und Regeln eines qualitätsvollen Journa
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lismus werden in diesem Handbuch vorgestellt. Mehr als 70 erfahrene Journalisten und renommierte Wissenschaftler beschreiben praxisnah, verständlich und kompakt, was Redakteure und Reporter wissen müssen, um über Kriege und Krisen angemessen berichten zu können. Behandelt werden u. a. Vorbereitung und Ausrüstung, die besonderen Anforderungen an die Recherche in Konfliktregionen, sprachliche und ethische Aspekte, PR-Strategien und militärische Grundkenntnisse sowie die Folgen der Kriegs- und Krisenberichterstattung. Das Handbuch richtet sich an Reporter und Korrespondenten, die in Krisen- und Kriegsgebieten tätig sind, und bietet Hintergrundwissen für Auslands-, Politik- und Nachrichtenredakteure, die ebenfalls mit Kriegen und Krisen als Themen der Berichterstattung konfrontiert werden." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Journalisten, die über Konflikte und Kriege berichten, sehen sich von jeher vielfältigen Anforderungen ausgesetzt. Damit nur schwer zu vereinbaren scheinen die in jüngerer Zeit entwickelten Modelle einer konstruktiven Konfliktberichterstattung, die zu Prozessen der Deeskalation und der friedlich
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en Konfliktlösung beitragen kann. Nicht wenige Medienschaffende sehen in solchen Konzeptionen denn auch bloße akademische Gedankenspielerei, die im journalistischen Alltagsgeschäft ohne Realisierungschancen bleibt. Deshalb steht die Frage der Praxistauglichkeit friedensjournalistischer Modelle im Mittelpunkt dieses Buches. Anhand einer systematischen Analyse des Produktions-prozesses von Konfliktberichterstattung diskutiert der Autor sowohl Hindernisse als auch vorhandene Ansätze für eine friedensorientierte Berichterstattung. Die Nähe zur journalistischen Praxis wird durch die empirische Grundlage der Analyse gewährleistet: Ausgangs- und Bezugspunkt sind mehr als 30 Experteninterviews mit erfahrenen Konfliktberichterstattern aus den Bereichen Hörfunk, Fernsehen und Printmedien. Konstruktive Konfliktberichterstattung erweist sich als zukunftsfähiges Projekt, das eine größere Breitenwirkung jedoch nur durch eine nachhaltige Veränderung spezifischer journalistischer Routinen, Einstellungen und Kompetenzen erzielen wird." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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