"Based on 86 in-depth interviews with journalists, editors and media owners, this report documents the hostile environment in which journalists work in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), Kosovo, Montenegro, and Serbia. Journalists and editors interviewed for this report described a difficult media space
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in which they faced threats, attacks, and other types of intimidation and interference with their work. They described recurring veiled and direct threats against them and family members, physical attacks on themselves and their workplaces, and even death threats. Many of the incidents of violence and intimidation documented in this report appeared to be particularly directed against journalists who write stories implicating powerful business or political elites, or report on war crimes, high-level corruption, and radical religious groups." (Pages 1-2)
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"The Mapping Digital Media research confirms that digital television and the internet have had a radical impact on media businesses, journalists, and citizens at large. As might be expected, platforms distributing journalism have proliferated, media companies are revamping their operations, and citi
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zens have access to a cornucopia of news and information sources. Other findings were less foreseeable: digitization has brought no pressure to reform state broadcasters, less than one-third of countries found that digital media have helped to expand the social impact of investigative journalism, and digitization has not significantly affected total news diversity. The Global Findings reveal other common themes across the world: Governments and politicians have too much influence over who owns, operates, and regulates the media. Many media markets are rife with monopolistic, corrupt, or untransparent practices. It’s not clear where many governments and other bodies get their evidence for changes or updates to laws and policies on media and communication. Media and journalism online offer hope of new, independent sources of information, but are also a new battleground for censorship and surveillance. Data about the media worldwide are still uneven, unstandardized, and unreliable, and are often proprietary rather than freely accessible." (Website Open Society Foundations)
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"The 2014 MSI study for Europe & Eurasia is marked by an overall constancy of scores, for better or worse. Taken as a whole, the average of 21 overall scores shows an increase of 0.01 compared with last year. Out of the 21 countries studied, 13 showed a change in score of less than 0.10. Of the rema
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ining eight showing significant change, five were headed in a negative direction while three showed improvement. The lack of change was in some cases a sign of resilience and part of a positive overall trend: for example, in Albania, Kosovo, and Moldova panelists noted that recent achievements are not eroding and the media as a whole are finding space to operate independently and are resistant to political control. However, in some cases, such as Ukraine and Serbia, the unchanged scores reflect a sense of frustration on the part of panelists—and a resolve to play a stronger role in bringing about change." (Executive summary)
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"This book is an attempt to address obstacles to a democratic development of media systems in the countries of South East Europe by mapping patterns of corrupt relations and practices in media policy development, media ownership and financing, public service broadcasting, and journalism as a profess
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ion. It introduces the concept of media integrity to denote the public-service values of media and journalism. In analyzing the current situation of the media, the focus was on the assessment of factors that have been identified as posing a risk to media integrity, with an overview of past developments if relevant for understanding the current situation. Five countries were covered by the research presented in this book: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia and Serbia." (Introduction)
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"Self-censorship habits are entrenched in the practices of Egyptian journalists, who largely perceive their role as servants of political masters. Even though the debate on reforming media was high on the agenda during the time of the revolution, this subservient perception did not change. Journalis
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ts were still struggling to cope with a new environment where they could operate without instructions. The deep political polarization between pro-Islamists and pro-liberals under the Brotherhood rule transformed media into the favourite platform for political spin. The newfound liberty was translated into a chaotic expression of unfounded views and rumours [...] Egyptian media reform requires a complex operation involving both legal reform and institutional review of media practices and professional standards." (Executive summary)
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"Los diecinueve textos que conforman el libro se articulan en torno a siete temáticas: 1) Percepciones sobre el DIC y los medios, 2) Ética, 3) Estructuras de contenido, 4) Coberturas noticiosas, 5) Agresiones a periodistas, 6) Acceso a la Información Pública, y 7) Estado, medios y normativa. Su
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objetivo mayor es motivar a la reflexión de e inaugurar debate en los temas analizados, considerados de importancia estratégica para una mejor práctica periodística y la promoción del DIC en su más amplio sentido: como derecho articulador de la comunicación democrática." (Pág. web UNIR)
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"Premier jalon de ce programme, cette étude, réalisée pour le compte de l’IPGL et de l’ABR par une équipe de 6 consultants locaux et internationaux, dresse un état des lieux du paysage médiatique des trois zones concernées. Il met en évidence des différences majeures entre les trois esp
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aces : déficit important de régulation du secteur au Sud-Kivu (avec de nombreux acteurs audiovisuels souvent politisés qui fonctionnent, pour la plupart, dans une grande précarité et une absence de contrôle).; espace étroitement contrôlé au Rwanda où se conjuguent le poids d’un régime fort, l’importance de l’autocensure, des problèmes éthiques et un certain dynamisme économique; bon niveau de professionnalisme et forte conscience d’utilité sociale des acteurs médiatiques du Burundi, par ailleurs très tributaires de l’appui international. L’étude permet de dégager une vingtaine de chantiers prioritaires ou axes stratégiques par rapport aux trois objectifs spécifiques formulés par la DDC. Pour l’OS1.: la formation des ressources humaines, le respect de la déontologie, les dispositifs de suivi des contenus médiatiques, l’autorégulation, la durabilité des entreprises, le renforcement des capacités techniques, le financement structurel des médias. Pour l’OS2 : la pratique du journalisme d’investigation, l’accès à l’information, la couverture des événements hors de la capitale, la prise en compte de la contribution du public par les médias, la mise en réseau des entreprises médiatiques, l’information régionale, la préparation de la couverture des élections. Pour l’OS3 : la connaissance insuffisante des textes légaux et réglementaires, la réforme du cadre légal, la professionnalisation des instances de régulation, les dispositifs de dialogue et de concertation réguliers entre autorités publiques et médias." (Résumé, page 3)
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"Der Beitrag befasst sich mit der Situation des Medienrechtes in Polen, 25 Jahre nach dem Ende der kommunistischen Herrschaft."
"This series of Briefing Notes is designed to give readers an understanding of the key international legal standards that apply in the context of freedom of expression. They are aimed at an audience which does not necessarily have a deep understanding of freedom of expression issues, but they also a
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im to be of interest and relevance to more sophisticated freedom of expression observers and practitioners." (Page 1)
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"The aim of this handbook is to equip the reader with an understanding of Rwanda’s new media laws, both in terms of the rights and obligations introduced, as well as in terms of the regulatory and institutional structure they have established. The handbook is presented in seven modules, which comp
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lement each other to allow for a full appreciation of the normal and institutional framework for media regulation in Rwanda." (Introduction, page 16)
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"In its political support the Commission will encourage enlargement countries to make legislation more supportive of the media. It will also promote the involvement of media and civil society in the pre-accession process, including in the formulation, implementation and monitoring of sector strategi
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es for EU financial assistance which will be strengthened under IPA II. The Commission's financial assistance will use an appropriate mix of funding instruments to respond to different types of needs and country contexts in a flexible, transparent, cost-effective and results focused manner which also considers the administration burden for the Commission. This will include: aiming for longer term contracts, recognising that capacity building and advocacy work requires time and resources; moving away from project based support to a more flexible approach that fosters partnership and coalition building. It must also be understood that accession-related EU funding is limited in volume and time. Although having been a major donor to Media and Civil Society, the EU cannot and should not aim to fill the funding gap left as other donors exit from the region. As the enlargement countries move towards accession, the Commission will support media organisations become less dependent on international donor funding, including funding from the EU [...] "These guidelines are formulated in the form of a draft results framework. The framework contains goals and results to be achieved by developing and deploying multi-beneficiary and bilateral assistance programmes. Special attention is paid to the aspect of verification: measurable indicators (and benchmarks) are grouped according to particular results to be achieved and possible means of verification (MoV) are identified for each group of indicators. The selection of indicators and MoVs also take into consideration the cost-effectiveness and actual availability of data. Monitoring the guidelines will be supervised by DG ELARG in collaboration with the EU Delegations in the region, international organisations and networks of CSOs already active in media freedom and integrity. The collection of data will include both qualitative and quantitative assessments and will be conducted by means of surveys, peer reviews, independent assessment, etc." (Pages 4-5)
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"Los autores revisan las distintas escuelas y enfoques acerca de la libertad de expresiön, se preguntan si el rol del Estado es solo abstenerse de censurar o si le corresponde además garantizar condiciones de equidad en la comunicación social, exponen los vaivenes de la censura desde una perspect
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iva histórica que les permite reconocer tanto la censura estatal como la empresarial, destacan los avances en la despenalización de las voces críticas que afectan a funcionarios públicos, y exploran los dilemas de la concentración de la propiedad de los medios y la necesidad de concebir leyes antimonopólicas. Además, retoman cruciales asignaturas pendientes, como una ley de acceso a la información pública." (Contratapa)
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"El libro que ahora tienen entre sus manos, resultado de meses de ardua coordinación e investigación en Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua y El Salvador, recoge con mucha preocupación la firme tendencia que existe en Centroamérica hacia una mayor concentración de la propiedad de los medios de comun
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icación en oligopolios mediáticos comerciales. Esta preocupación se vuelve más fuerte cuando los procesos de digitalización de las comunicaciones, ya emprendidos en estos países, apuntan a generar más concentración de medios en pocas empresas o familias, afectando directamente a la calidad de nuestra democracia. Los resultados que recogemos en este libro no presentan un panorama alentador, sobre todo porque las autoridades encargadas de conducir este proceso de transformación o convergencia tecnológica buscan digitalizar la radio y la televisión con los mismos marcos jurídicos que nos han llevado a la concentración de la propiedad de frecuencias en pocas manos. Esto no es bueno para la democracia centroamericana. Entonces, es urgente que nuestros gobiernos y legisladores/as enfoquen y le den un nuevo rumbo a la digitalización de las comunicaciones, que no es un asunto meramente técnico, sino pr ofundamente político, que tiene ver con el futuro de las nuevas generaciones en Centroamérica. Todavía estamos a tiempo de modificar este camino, amañado por las asociaciones y cámaras de radio y televisión, pues la multiplicación de canales o las frecuencias resultantes del dividendo digital deben ayudar a modificar el actual mapa de medios en la región." (Presentación, página I)
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