"Neste texto, analisamos a trajetória eleitoral da deputada Cantora Mara Lima, procurando perceber como a candidata construiu seu carisma nas eleições estaduais paranaenses em 2014, 2018 e 2022, em sintonia com o projeto político da Assembleia de Deus (AD). Procedemos à coleta e sistematizaçã
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o de materiais publicados em suas mídias sociais, problematizando a instrumentalização de elementos simbólicos e performáticos para construir sua identidade, mimetizando sua “unção” gospel em capital político. Nesse movimento, a AD forneceu uma série de recursos institucionais por meio de um modelo de representação corporativa, propício para a dramatização político-religiosa e a formação do carisma da cantora, mobilizando os afetos do público-fiel. Observamos como a articulação entre a agência carismática da artista e a força da estrutura eclesiástica tem alcançado bons resultados nos pleitos analisados, em tempos de recrudescimento das polarizações e difusão de uma religião pública." (Resumo)
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"In Brasilien paktieren evangelikale Kirchen offen mit rechtsextremen Politikern um den Ex-Präsidenten Jair Bolsonaro. Die Regierung der Arbeiterpartei von Präsident Lula da Silva sucht nach einem Rezept gegen diese unheilvolle Allianz. Sie müsste vor allem ihre soziale Basis in den verarmten Vor
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städten der brasilianischen Metropolen zurückerobern." (Einleitung)
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"The dynamics of religion and religious practices are examined using various communication theories and paradigms to extrapolate how religion is designed, packaged, disseminated, and interpreted among Nigerians. Contributors trace the evolution and development of this problem to colonialism. The con
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tributors measure the impact of religious media messages from three perspectives: the impact of the messages themselves; the impact of the medium used in transmitting the message as in the McLuhan philosophy, “the medium is the message”; and the impact from the power of the source – the religious or political leaders (Opinion Leader) who exert influence on opinion followers. In this book, the contributors examine how religion is considered a propagandistic venture whereby capitalism and monetary gain are the norms, minimizing core religious values, traditional teachings, and methods of worship." (Publisher description)
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"This thematic issue asks about the role of religions and religious actors and conspiracy theories/theorists in democratic and authoritarian regimes in general. Special attention is given to the current Covid]19 pandemic, since the relevant state of emergency obviously endorses the persuasiveness
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of conspiracy theories and makes the comparison with religions necessary. In this respect, the challenges religious prejudices and conspiracy myths imply could even shed light on the problem of whether democracy or authoritarianism is the best regime to fight the Coronavirus successfully. The articles at hand answer these issues from interdisciplinary areas, particularly from political science, sociology, social psychology, and history." (Editorial, page 132)
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"Less than a year after the end of authoritarian rule in 1998, huge images of Jesus Christ and other Christian scenes proliferated on walls and billboards around a provincial town [Ambon] in eastern Indonesia where conflict had arisen between Muslims and Christians. A manifestation of the extreme pe
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rception that emerged amid uncertainty and the challenge to seeing brought on by urban warfare, the street paintings erected by Protestant motorbike-taxi drivers signaled a radical departure from the aniconic tradition of the old colonial church, a desire to be seen and recognized by political authorities from Jakarta to the UN and European Union, an aim to reinstate the Christian look of a city in the face of the country's widespread islamicization, and an opening to a more intimate relationship to the divine through the bringing-into-vision of the Christian god. Stridently assertive, these affectively charged mediations of religion, masculinity, Christian privilege and subjectivity are among the myriad ephemera of war, from rumors, graffiti, incendiary pamphlets, and Video CDs, to Peace Provocateur text-messages and children's reconciliation drawings. Orphaned Landscapes theorizes the production of monumental street art and other visual media as part of a wider work on appearance in which ordinary people, wittingly or unwittingly, refigure the aesthetic forms and sensory environment of their urban surroundings." (Publisher description)
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"O objetivo deste artigo é analisar as relações entre religião e política no Brasil contemporâneo, tomando como corpus de análise vídeos publicados pelo pastor evangélico da Igreja Assembleia de Deus Vitória em Cristo, Silas Malafaia. Um dos mais importantes líderes evangélicos do país,
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proprietário de um considerável conglomerado midiático (que vai de programas de rádio, editora e TV), Malafaia tem se destacado no cenário político nacional pelo menos desde a eleição de 2010. No ano de 2020, durante o segundo turno, produziu uma série de vídeos sobre a disputa em diversos munícipios, interpelando seus interlocutores como “povo abençoado” e proferindo uma série de ataques aos candidatos de esquerda, utilizando-se da ocasião para reproduzir sua oposição a tal campo político a partir da ideia de “perigo” que suas vitórias poderiam representar. Ao analisarmos sua argumentação, defendemos a hipótese de que sua discursividade traduz elementos de uma “guerra cultural” encetada por grupos conservadores no espaço público contemporâneo, com considerável capital midiático, sobretudo nas redes sociais." (Abstract)
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"Conservative Muslim groups have been very successful in Indonesia, the world’s most populous Muslim nation, in efforts to construct blasphemy as a serious threat to the Islamic community. These groups attempt to formalise Islam in state institutions in a way that rejects liberalism and pluralism;
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and the engagement of conservative Muslims in the enforcement of blasphemy law is on the rise. The actions of conservative Muslim groups in relation to blasphemy law should be understood as a reflection of how an increasingly Islamic Indonesian society is attempting to establish alliances with opportunist politicians. Conservative Muslim groups are fragmented and as such have no viable political vehicle that can represent and channel their interests. Conservative Muslims therefore seek to establish apparently informal and loose alliances with politicians that could help them to achieve their goal of formalising Islam in state institutions. Meanwhile, opportunist politicians regard articulating conservative Islamic narratives as a way of garnering greater support among voters. Blasphemy law has become politicised through these alliances. The alliances between politicians and religious groups manifest in two ways in relation to blasphemy law: * The politicisation of blasphemy cases. Many blasphemy accusations in Indonesia are made during electoral contests and create opportunities to merge the goals of religious groups and political elites. * Through efforts to maintain the blasphemy law. The narrative of protecting religion, public order and national unity have often been articulated by both conservative Muslim groups and politicians to legitimise the continued existence of the law." (Introduction)
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"Cette oeuvre révèle le pouvoir géant des identités politiques et religieuses libanaises sur les expressions artistiques et médiatiques, tout en racontant l’histoire de ce pays et en analysant divers événements politiques, religieux, artistiques et/ou médiatiques qui ont eu lieu entre 1989
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, année de la fin de la guerre civile, et 2005, année de l’assassinat de Hariri et des faits tumultueux en résultant." (Dos de couverture)
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"Christianity as the predominant religion in Zimbabwe consists of several faith groupings, each of which responds to public events through the mass media. Mainline churches uphold a conventional human rights approach to faith-based political criticism, while Mapostori or Apostolic churches follow an
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Africanist form of faith and appear to condone some alignment with the authoritarian ruling party. In the sampled media coverage of three online newspapers, the political use of religious strategies or practices from various faith groups by the president and high-ranking party functionaries is reported from either the former government-sanctioned view or an oppositional stance. Moralist reprimand is levied at various politicians from a religious rationale, assuming good and evil, church and state, Christianity and African spirituality, which, however, remain abstract since there is no overall faith-based guidance for political behaviour beyond a secular constitution that still appears utopian. The critical discourse analysis suggests that complex relationships exist among the various faiths, causing diverse religious interpretations of political events. This suspension of Cartesian thinking results in a continuing circular logic of blame and prayer, disaster and prophesy instead of the use of constitutional democratic institutions to hold politicians accountable. Such logic seems sustained by politicized interpretations of spiritual entities, spiritual interpretations of political events and by the perceptions of the Zimbabwean public, who, as believers of one or other faith, is equally at the mercy of opportunistic ‘prophets’ from many denominations as it is targeted by the political powers of the day." (Abstract)
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"En République démocratique du Congo (RDC), le Web constitue, depuis le dernier mandat constitutionnel du président Joseph Kabila au pouvoir depuis 2001, un espace d’affrontements politiques par le biais des discours religieux, ou par leaders religieux interposés. Alors que le président Kabil
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a a épuisé son dernier mandat constitutionnel, les discours religieux sur Internet sont devenus un outil de mobilisation, si bien qu’ils permettent de distinguer les partisans de l’alternance ou du maintien du gouvernement en place. Les médias numériques ont démontré leur capacité à mobiliser la rue lors des manifestations contre le maintien au pouvoir du président Joseph Kabila entre 2015 et 2017. Les discours religieux sur le Web peuvent jouer, quant à eux, une fonction d’atténuation de la contestation." (Résumé)
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"As international donors pour money into global human rights promotion, many governments—as well as scores of scholars and activists—fear a subtle, Western-led campaign for political, economic, and cultural domination. This book asks: What do publics in the global South think? Drawing on surveys
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in India, Mexico, Morocco, and Nigeria, the book finds most people are in fact broadly supportive of human rights discourse, trust local, rights-promoting organizations, and do not view human rights as a tool of foreign powers. Pro-human rights constituencies, rather, tend to be highly skeptical of the U.S. government, of multinational corporations, and of their own governments. However, this generalized public support for the human rights “brand” is not grounded in strong commitments of public effort or money, or in dense social ties to the nongovernmental rights sector. Publics in the global South rarely give to their local rights groups, and few local rights organizations attempt to raise funds apart from foreign aid. This strategy is becoming increasingly untenable as governments crack down on foreign aid to civil society. The book also analyzes the complex relationships between religion and human rights, finding that public or social elements of religiosity are often associated with less support for human rights organizations. Personal religiosity, on the other hand, is often associated with more human rights support." (Publisher description)
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"Outbreaks of religious intolerance are usually assumed to be visceral and spontaneous. But in 'Hate Spin', Cherian George shows that they often involve sophisticated campaigns manufactured by political opportunists to mobilize supporters and marginalize opponents. Right-wing networks orchestrate th
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e giving of offense and the taking of offense as instruments of identity politics, exploiting democratic space to promote agendas that undermine democratic values. George calls this strategy “hate spin”—a double-sided technique that combines hate speech (incitement through vilification) with manufactured offense-taking (the performing of righteous indignation). It is deployed in societies as diverse as Buddhist Myanmar and Orthodox Christian Russia. George looks at the world's three largest democracies, where intolerant groups within India's Hindu right, America's Christian right, and Indonesia's Muslim right are all accomplished users of hate spin. He also shows how the Internet and Google have opened up new opportunities for cross-border hate spin." (Publisher description)
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"This publication will contribute to ensuring that the breadth of human rights violations in Eritrea becomes known, and that the issue of human trafficking migrates more strongly upwards into the public eye." (Back cover)