"National and Regional Internet Governance Forums (NRIs) are the stars of the 2017 Global Information Society Watch. The story of NRIs began two years after the first global IGF held in 2006. In 2008, stakeholders from Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania and Rwanda organised national forums and a subsequent Eas
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t African IGF, to prepare for and discuss common concerns in anticipation of the global forum held later that year in Hyderabad. Soon after, many other national and regional initiatives emerged, impacting the global forum from the bottom up, enhancing inclusiveness and the broad engagement of multiple stakeholders. Today there is widespread agreement that national and regional forums constitute an important part of the IGF process, that their rise has added significance to the global forum and, at the same time, strengthened national and regional initiatives in their quest for inclusive, participatory decision making on their home turf. This GISWatch edition is the first comprehensive look at national and regional IGF initiatives from a critical, civil society perspective. In all, 54 reports are presented, including seven reports addressing cross-cutting themes, 40 covering national IGFs, and seven examining regional initiatives." (Preface)
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"Journalists in many countries are experimenting with how to build trust and engage with audiences, and our report examines their efforts. In our study we profile organizations that are working to build bridges with their readers, viewers and listeners and deliver relevant news to local audiences. W
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e surveyed 17 organizations and conducted interviews with representatives of 15 organizations, one of which chose to remain anonymous. Among others we spoke to Chequeado in Argentina, GroundUp in South Africa, Raseef 22 in the Middle East, 263 Chat in Zimbabwe, Krautreporter and Correct!v in Germany, as well as Bristol Cable in the UK [...] Although the groups we surveyed are concerned by the broader phenomena of falling trust in media and media credibility, they are also, by necessity, focused on immediate fixes important to their organizations and readerships. Some believe that media credibility depends on engagement with readers. Some place more emphasis on journalism practices, including audience engagement, ethical standards and news gathering practices. The outlets we profiled use digital technology to communicate with audiences. Some also involve their readers in sourcing and sometimes verifying information. Some conduct focus groups and online surveys. Responding to comments online is part of their engagement efforts. Readers appreciate investigative reporting as well as stories that touch on their daily lives [...] There seems to be a tradeoff between audience size and the quality of content produced. Some groups with large followings (Hivisasa and 263Chat) promote headlines and short snippets rather than carrying out deep investigative reporting [...] Several groups said their audience is different from what their founders had originally expected. The reach of the outlets we surveyed is generally not as diverse as they had hoped. Their audiences tend to be educated and urban and, in some cases, include large diaspora communities. The outlets largely cater to niche audiences, but they have broader reach through their online presence and national influence when their stories are picked up by legacy media or other outlets." (https://gijn.org, accessed: June 8, 2018)
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"This article aims at investigating the relationship between the concept of mediated citizenship and participation through radio talk deliberation. It intends to offer an analysis of the content mediated through public discourses by determining the way in which participants draw their identities thr
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ough different topics articulated in radio talk shows. This article will focus on a breakfast radio talk show – Jambo Kenya, a programme broadcasted on Radio Citizen, the second largest radio station in Kenya. This highly interactive programme airs from 7:15 a.m. with thought-provoking dialogue, giving a voice to groups that would otherwise be unheard. The article focuses on how the call-in listeners gain access to this media space to contest their various ideas." (Abstract)
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"The study tested the following hypotheses: the use of subsidised services only forms part of data use; people do not move beyond the use of subsidised services; using the internet first through subsidised services leaves people with less of an understanding of the Internet. Using subsidised data fo
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rms one of many strategies to use the Internet, confirming the first hypothesis. However, the second hypothesis was not confirmed, as respondents moved beyond subsidised data. Concerns that zero-rated data, such as Free Basics locks users into one application, because it is fully subsidised were not supported by this research. What was apparent was the lack of awareness of and favour for this free service. Free services, in particular from mobile network operators, are viewed with scepticism, as the perception is that nothing is completely free. In order to understand the ways in which people make use of the Internet (the third hypothesis), the study had to take into account a number of factors, which included the options to access the internet, motivations for Internet use, why they use the Internet the way they do, and how they use it. Context is a stronger determining factor contributing to what respondents use the Internet for than subsidised data. For example, respondents in rural South Africa favour operators that are dominant in the market because of extensive network coverage and the availability of signal; because family and friends are on the same network; and because of the promotions or rewards that come with using the network. The network that offers subsidised zero-rated content and a lower priced, service specific bundle is not used in the rural community, primarily because it is not available or the quality is poor. Most respondents access the Internet to facilitate efficient communication and find information. Only in Nigeria do respondents use the Internet when they have received rewards data (data received as a bonus or extra after purchasing a service) after recharging from their operator." (Conclusion, page 37)
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"Alarmingly, the research reveals that fake news is a pervasive problem surrounding the Kenyan elections with 90% of respondents having seen false or inaccurate information and 87% viewing this information as being deliberately false. Why does this matter? An informed citizenry is vital to Kenya’s
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democracy and the findings have serious implications for the media and society at large. With a third of Kenyans unable to access accurate information about the election, fake news is limiting the public’s ability to make informed decisions. This is of course extremely relevant to the business and political communities alike. For the mainstream media, the survey findings will come as good news, with most Kenyans trusting traditional media sources such as TV, which has a trust level of 76%. With 67% of Kenyans actively wanting comprehensive and detailed information and 78% wanting factual and accurate information, Kenya’s media establishment should be encouraged to invest in better journalism." (In conclusion, page 14)
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"This book provides a timely and important summary of tabloid journalism in Africa, which clearly shows how tabloids in the African context play a unique role in the democratization process. Prior to this book, very little was known about how tabloid journalists operate in Africa. The book first exp
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lores the global practice of journalism and then focuses on tabloid journalism - finally situating the discussion within the African context. As well as concentrating on how tabloid journalism can be seen as part of the broader neo-liberal thinking in Africa, in which democracy and freedom of expression is promoted, it also looks at how tabloid journalism practice has been met with resistance from the alliance of forces. Chama draws on examples from across the continent looking at success stories and struggles within the sometime infotainment genre. 'Tabloid Journalism in Africa' concludes that even though challenges exist, there is a strong case to suggest that the practice of tabloid journalism is being readily accepted by many people as part of the unique voices of democracy - even those which might be shocking yet true." (Publisher description)
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"Governments around the world have dramatically increased their efforts to manipulate information on social media over the past year. The Chinese and Russian regimes pioneered the use of surreptitious methods to distort online discussions and suppress dissent more than a decade ago, but the practice
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has since gone global. Such state-led interventions present a major threat to the notion of the internet as a liberating technology. Online content manipulation contributed to a seventh consecutive year of overall decline in internet freedom, along with a rise in disruptions to mobile internet service and increases in physical and technical attacks on human rights defenders and independent media. Nearly half of the 65 countries assessed in Freedom on the Net 2017 experienced declines during the coverage period, while just 13 made gains, most of them minor. Less than one-quarter of users reside in countries where the internet is designated Free, meaning there are no major obstacles to access, onerous restrictions on content, or serious violations of user rights in the form of unchecked surveillance or unjust repercussions for legitimate speech." (Page 1)
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"Funded by DFID, under the Global Grant project, BBC Media Action produced three seasons of the weekly TV and radio programme Sema Kenya (Kenya Speaks). Sema Kenya featured a moderated discussion between a live panel of officials and an audience of ‘ordinary’ Kenyans and was designed to enable i
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ndividuals, communities and governments to be better informed and more engaged in tackling governance challenges. Alongside this, BBC Media Action delivered a mentoring programme, initially with six local radio stations, and later with the national broadcaster Kenya Broadcasting Corporation (KBC), which has the largest footprint in the country. Through this work, BBC Media Action aimed to strengthen the capacity of Kenya’s media sector to produce governance programming that supported and mainstreamed the overall objectives of the project at both the local and national level. [...] Sema Kenya contributed to people being more informed about and engaged in politics. Audiences were more knowledgeable about politics, discussed it more with friends and family, felt more confident in their ability to influence political processes and participated more in governance related activities (particularly at the community level) – all factors that support bottom-up accountability. Audiences themselves linked Sema Kenya with these outcomes. This finding was validated by analysis confirming a significant positive relationship between watching or listening to Sema Kenya and consistently higher knowledge, discussion and confidence to engage in politics, even when taking into account other factors that might influence these outcomes (such as education, age and interest in politics). While Sema Kenya’s audience was more likely to participate in politics, qualitative research respondents rarely attributed their actions directly to what they had heard on Sema Kenya. This reflects findings from advanced quantitative analysis (structural equation modelling) that suggests the link between Sema Kenya and increased political participation is indirect and mediated by political knowledge, discussion and self-efficacy. Supported by an extensive network of broadcast partners that stretched across all 47 counties in Kenya, the discussion programme reached an estimated 12.7 million people over three seasons, with a peak audience of 5.7 million in 2013 – the year of the general election. The show also maintained a loyal audience throughout all three seasons, with around half of all those reached annually tuning in for at least every second episode." (Executive summary, pages 6-7)
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"Koch FM is a community radio station located in Korogocho, a slum in Nairobi, Kenya. The station aims to provide alternative information, education and entertainment content. Producers at the station and community members who make up the station’s audience have different perceptions of Koch FM’
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s role. While the producers envision Koch FM as the provider of information and a space for community voice, the community evaluates the station’s performance based on parameters drawn from commercial broadcasters. Consequently, the station acts as a space where sometimes-contradictory ideals play out. In exploring these contrasting viewpoints, this article highlights contextual production practices and the shifting audience expectations facing community radio in Kenya’s vibrant radio broadcast environment. The data are the outcome of ethnographic fieldwork conducted in 2014 and 2015." (Abstract)
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"Community broadcasting is known as the third tier of broadcasting, occupying the space between commercial and state broadcasters. In Kenya, this sector has been active only since 2004. Despite its recognised value in other contexts across the globe, community broadcasting is still struggling to fin
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d footing in the Kenyan media landscape, and there is a paucity of research on how this sector actually operates – its structures, content and audiences. This work therefore explores the roles and relevance of community radio in the vibrant Kenyan media landscape. Using a complementary mix of qualitative and quantitative methods, three community radio stations with different social contexts, funding and management structures were investigated. The research focused on the ideas and actors behind community radio, its funding and management structures, content, content production processes, listenership patterns and participation practices. Brought to light was that this sector navigates legislation and funding challenges, and juggles between global and local ideals about community broadcasting, most distinct of which are democracy and development. The local, the national and the global inform the ideas under which Kenyan community broadcasting operates, and these ideas are interpreted differently in each context. Communities interact with each of the stations based on their particular local contexts. Not only do they listen to community broadcasters according to specific daily rhythms, but they also mobilise themselves into social formations – most often fan groups and clubs – as a way of collective participation in the life of the station. Contrary to much radio audience research, this work shows that listenership is a distinct activity and participation in and through the media is not only an individual endeavour, but a collective undertaking drawing on pre-existent social solidarities. Community radio content addresses its listeners as different kinds of communities and publics at specific times of the day, and they respond accordingly. As well, there is content transformation across diverse media platforms, which may be a step towards new genres. Despite working within different and hybrid journalistic cultures, the producers play similar roles to their communities across the three contexts including mediation, mobilisation, space-creation, information and entertainment. Of these roles, mobilisation is a strength of community radio. The research reveals the intertwined nature of state, media and audience relationships, and argues for the fact that there are no homogenous audiences even at a micro-level, and that the affective and democratic functions of media participation are intricately linked to each other." (Abstract)
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"Migori County is listed by the National Commission on Integration and Cohesion as a political violence hotspot. The aim of this study was to examine the role of community radio programming in peace promotion during political campaigns in Migori. The objectives of the study were: To establish the ty
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pes of programmes Milambo Radio 103.8 FM, Radio Tarumbeta 90.4 FM and Radio Rameny 88.3 FM have designed for promoting peaceful political campaigns in Migori County; to determine the extent to which such programmes are used to promote peaceful political campaigns and to explore strategies through which community radio programming may be made more effective in promoting peaceful political campaigns. This qualitative case study enlisted twenty one participants. Face-to-face interviews, focus group discussions and document analysis supplied qualitative data, whose analysis has been done in tandem with the research questions. The research was underpinned by the Agenda Setting Theory (Shaw, 1979) and supported by the Media Effects Theory (Perse, 2000). The study confirms that whereas community radio stations in Migori County have a huge potential to propagate and mobilize for peace during political campaigns, this potential is not sufficiently exploited. It is recommended that strategic radio programming for peace should be enhanced to enable community radio stations in Migori County forestall campaign violence in the run-up to the general elections of 2017." (Abstract)
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"This publication is the outcome of the “East Africa Regional Peace Journalism Training Workshop” for journalists covering conflict and peacebuilding in East Africa. Organized by Rongo University’s Center for Media, Democracy, Peace, and Security (CMDPS) in partnership with the African Peacebu
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ilding Network (APN) of the Social Science Research Council (SSRC), the two-day event brought together journalists from five East African countries—Kenya, Rwanda, South Sudan, Tanzania, and Uganda—to develop their capacity for reporting on conflict-related issues in an objective manner based on the tenets of the theory and practice of peace journalism." (Introduction)
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"The study sought to find out radio listenership among women in Kipkelion West Sub-County, to establish the choice of radio programs and stations that interests the women, to assess the preference of radio to other mass communication media among women and to find out the gratifications women seek to
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satisfy from listening to radio programs. The research was based on the theory of the uses and gratification which is concerned with what people do with the media rather than what media does to the people [...] The study found that majority of the respondents indicated that they had radios in their households and they listen to it. The study also found out that Majority of the women listened to radio mostly in the evening and morning hours. Chamgei FM was the most preferred radio station. News and agricultural programs were the most preferred programs. Finally the study found out that women listened to radio to be informed and entertained. This study concludes that radio is a very common communication channel among women and thus it should be well utilized by development practitioners. The study recommends that Radio programmers should schedule important programs or messages in the evening and early morning when listenership is high. Radio programs should be produced in an edutainment format and to enhance listenership of radio in this region it is necessary that the government enhances infrastructure such as electricity." (Abstract)
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"The present research examines media agenda setting effects in a Kenyan context in 2013 and 2014. Specifically, focusing on the first level of agenda setting, the study investigates whether two national daily newspapers influenced public opinion on six issues of national importance: corruption, devo
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lution, economic crisis, insecurity, poverty, and unemployment. Moreover, the study examines whether the newspapers’ agendas are related in connection to the coverage of the six issues. Findings indicate that the two newspapers had little influence on the opinion of the Kenyan public regarding the six issues. This is based on a low correlation of +.30 between the two newspapers’ agendas and the public agenda. However, the agendas of the two publications were strikingly similar—yielding a perfect correlation of + 1. This means in their news coverage, the newspapers gave similar weight to the six issues." (Abstract)
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"Domestic journalists covering Kenya’s 2013 General Election worked in an exceptionally challenging media environment; one which was significantly shaped by the 2007 election and post-election violence (PEV). Rooted in literature on peace journalism (PJ), we examine how the PEV of Kenya’s 2007 p
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residential elections informed and shaped journalists’ practice around the 2013 Kenyan General Election. The article is based on qualitative interviews with 16 Kenyan print journalists and editors at the Daily Nation and Standard newspapers as well as interviews with 6 Kenyan media specialists. Our analysis finds the 2007 PEV significantly constrained journalistic practice in three ways: first, journalists witnessed violence in 2007 which anchored their 2013 coverage; second, interviewees felt a ‘collective guilt’ at journalism’s failure to provide responsible coverage in 2007 creating a ‘culture of restraint’ and third, journalists felt compelled to ‘sanitize’ potentially inflammatory language creating a tension between journalists’ duty to inform and strong desire to avoid contributing to conflict. This article concludes by siding with a growing critical chorus of PJ scholars critiquing its often “individualist” approach and calling for greater attention towards structural factors such as perceived social constraints when conceptualizing and theorizing the agency of journalists working in post conflict environments." (Abstract)
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