"This thesis presents the major contributions of the Serbian independent electronic media to the struggle for the democratization of Serbia throughout the 1990s. The thesis also examines some aspects of the transformation of the media in Eastern Europe in the 1990s and outlines several different the
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oretical approaches to answering the question: Can media influence social change? The thesis further describes the development of Serbian independent electronic media from small outlets, such as Radio B 92 and NTV Studio B, to a strong association of independent local radio and TV stations. Due to institutionalization and international support, the independent radio and TV stations not only survived, but became important parts of the civil resistance movement against Slobodan MiloSeviC's regime. Finally, in the second half of the 1990s, a wide coalition of Serbian independent media, NGOs and oppositional political parties succeeded in creating the conditions for the regime's overthrow." (Abstract)
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"Während die Untersuchung von Kriegsberichterstattung und Propaganda auf eine lange Tradition in der sozialwissenschaftlichen Forschung zurückblicken kann, gibt es bislang erst wenige empirische Untersuchungen, welche die Berichterstattung über Nachkriegs- und Friedensprozesse zum Gegenstand habe
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n. Das vorliegende Buch untersucht diese Fragen unter einer dezidiert sozialpsychologischen Perspektive und enthält sowohl theoretische als auch empirische Arbeiten, in denen die Rolle der Medien in Kriegs- und Nachkriegssituationen aus drei Perspektiven beleuchtet wird: Produktionsbedingungen, Medieninhalt und Rezeption. Ausgehend von sozialpsychologischen Theorien und empirischen Befunden über Kriegsberichterstattung und Propaganda werden Konzepte einer konstruktiven Konfliktberichterstattung entwickelt und zu den Produktionsbedingungen von Journalismus in Beziehung gesetzt. Im Mittelpunkt des Projektes stehen vier empirische Untersuchungsfelder: (1) die Untersuchung der deutschen Presseberichterstattung über Frankreich von 1946 bis 1970, (2) die Untersuchung der deutschen, griechischen und serbischen Berichterstattung über Jugoslawien nach dem Sturz von Miloševiæ, (3) die Untersuchung der Akzeptanz deeskalationsorientierter Berichterstattung und ihrer Auswirkungen auf die mentalen Modelle der Leser, (4) die Untersuchung der Produktionsbedingungen von Konfliktberichterstattung." (Einleitung, Seite 7)
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"What follows from the analysis of the surveyed cases is a high level of variety of public television activity on the regional level. This clearly depends on the size and population of different countries, on the central and local administrative organization, on the level of linguistic homogeneity a
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nd from a series of historical, political and cultural factors. For this reason is difficult to talk of variable models of public regional television. In reality, however, there is an important factor of comparison, which allows us to subdivide the surveyed cases in two large categories how we did in the first step report: the statute of regional television centres in terms of independence or organic dependence on the national television companies. In Bosnia, Denmark, Greece, Netherland, Portugal, Russia and Serbia there are public regional television centres independent from national television companies. In Albania, Czech Republic, Finland, Hungary, Ireland and Slovenia there are regional centres, which constitute an organic and integrated part of the national television companies. Where regional public televisions are independent in some cases they broadcast only to the regional population as in Denmark, Portugal, Netherland, Finland, Russia, in other cases they broadcast at national level as in Belgium and Greece. Where regional public televisions are local branch of national companies in some case they produce only for regional transmissions as in Albania and Finland, in other cases they produce also for national public television channels as in Czech Republic and Sweden. In the case of Portugal, regional television centres are independent companies, owned in part by national public television, and they produce programs also for the international public channel to reach the “diaspora” of regional population. A second factor of comparison concerns the relationship between the regional television centres and the regional political, cultural, and social context. In some cases the relationship is important as in Bosnia, Portugal, Belgium, Russia, Serbia in other are not evident as in Ireland, Netherlands, Sweden, Finland. A third factor of comparison concern the extension of regional broadcasting activities. In some cases the regional activity is limited to some daily news broadcasted in a window inside the national programs as in Finland and Ireland, in other cases it concern a more or less wide range of programs of various genres as in Netherlands, Denmark, Russia, Portugal. In correspondence to that dimension there are differences of the economic resources at disposal of each regional television." (Introduction, page 2-3)
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"This report represents the first attempt by a nongovernmental organisation (NGO) to appraise the media-development work of OSCE in the field. It is the outcome of a project designed by Press Now, an NGO based in Amsterdam, the Netherlands. For the past decade, Press Now has assisted media in the co
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untries of the Balkans and Eastern Europe, working with funds from the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Dutch Ministry of Education, Culture a nd Science, and the European Agency for Reconstruction, as well as from other governments and private donors. With its experience of cooperating with many OSCE field missions and offices, Press Now believes that the importance of the OSCE’s activities in media development merit this methodical survey. Despite many differences in mandate, resources and context, the OSCE operations analysed in this report reveal a number of distinctive achievements and patterns. Unless these patterns are more widely discussed, there is a risk that the OSCE will not draw the lessons that are offered by its own experience. Press Now hopes that this report will help to catalyse such discussion." (Preface, page 5)
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"Serbian media assistance programs reflect two approaches to media development. Though they occasionally created friction, the differing approaches produced positive results. The goal of USAID’s Office of Transition Initiatives (USAID/OTI) was to fund programs and media outlets that could dissemin
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ate messages pushing immediate political change. USAID/OTI characterized its activities as “pushing the reform agenda.” This approach contrasted with but complemented that of USAID’s Bureau for Europe and Eurasia (USAID/E&E), which supported long-term, sustainable media development projects. While USAID/E&E’s projects contributed to the short-term goal of regime change in Serbia, they were also designed to aid the democratic transition that followed. Despite—or perhaps because of—this dynamic tension, the overall USAID program was very successful. Democratic elements in Serbia received— and still have—the media tools to effect democratic change. NGOs, media outlets, and democratic activists also received the topical programs and emergency infusions funded by USAID/OTI and USAID/E&E. Two years after the fall of Milosevic, personnel and basic media infrastructure remain in place to serve the ongoing democratic transition and broaden coverage of issues in public discourse." (Executive summary, page xi-xii)
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"This document contains reports written by Media Working groups in nine countries in November 2003. The reports describe the media landscape and provide information on media legislation, journalistic professionalism, media associations and donor activities. The sections on the media landscape provid
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e a quick picture of the media in South Eastern Europe today: a high number of media outlets but far fewer sustainable and genuinely independent ones, virtually no direct governmental control but remaining influence in several key areas and a generally difficult transformation process of former state broadcasters. The information on media legislation reveals both progress and remaining difficulties. Defamation laws are strict, usually not in line with European standards and regularly abused, leading to many pending court cases and high fines. Access to Information laws are adopted in five countries, but implementation is problematic. Broadcast legislation is frequently debated and revised, regulatory bodies are insufficiently independent and public broadcasters require additional safeguarding against political influence. Professionalism is a concern. By no means only due to a lack of training, of which there has been a lot in the past years, but particularly due to structural problems. Journalists often work without proper contracts, affecting their position. They are generally low-paid and skilled people leave the profession. Young and cheap employees, sometimes preferred by owners, do not feel in a position to oppose influence on editorial policy. Lack of resources impact on quality, as there is little or no money for investigative reporting or domestic production of quality television programs. And in several cases, links between media owners and political parties affect the editorial independence. Media associations and watchdog organizations have proven tremendously important in defending press freedom and promoting quality. Several countries have seen the growth of professional and respected institutions, while in others the associations are divided, small and have limited credibility among journalists. Effective unions are generally lacking, training institutions have improved with outside support and press freedom organizations have increased strength and influence but are seeking sustainability. Finally, brief information is provided on donor assistance – much more is available in the Overview on support to the media in SEE, also prepared by the Media Task Force. Overall, outside assistance has made a great and positive difference in improving the diversity, quality and sustainability of the media. Suggestions for future support include the further strengthening of associations, in-house training rather than seminars, work on drafting and implementing media legislation (e.g. revising defamation clauses) and support to investigative journalism and domestic television production." (Overview, page 2)
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