"Is it conceivable that there may be an autonomous evolution of digital publications in developing countries, entirely independent of the richest nations? What support policies could be implemented to promote the growth of this new industry and accompany traditional actors in the process of adapting
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to the changes involved? The digital experiences undertaken in the South suggest that new technologies represent a great opportunity for developing countries - particularly in terms of diffusion -, but on the condition that local entrepreneurs seek out original models adapted to the concrete needs of their communities." (Back cover)
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"In the year of the Arab uprisings Global Information Society Watch 2011 investigates how governments and internet and mobile phone companies are trying to restrict freedom online – and how citizens are responding to this using the very same technologies. Everyone is familiar with the stories of E
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gypt and Tunisia. GISWatch authors tell these and other lesser-known stories from more than 60 countries. Stories about: Prison conditions in Argentina - prisoners are using the internet to protest living conditions and demand respect for their rights; Torture in Indonesia - the torture of two West Papuan farmers was recorded on a mobile phone and leaked to the internet, the video spread to well-known human rights sites sparking public outrage and a formal investigation by the authorities; The tsunami in Japan - citizens used social media to share actionable information during the devastating tsunami, and in the aftermath online discussions contradicted misleading reports coming from state authorities. GISWatch also includes thematic reports and an introduction from Frank La Rue, Un special rapporteur." (Back cover)
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"There is abundant evidence of underrepresentation of women as subjects of coverage, but until now there were no reliable, comprehensive data on which to make a clear determination about where women currently fit into the news-making operation or in the decision-making or ownership structure of thei
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r companies. The IWMF Global Report on the Status of Women in the News Media seeks to fill this gap by presenting for the first time sound data on gender positions in news organizations around the world [...] The findings presented in this report, conducted over a two-year period, offer the most complete picture to date of women’s status globally in news media ownership, publishing, governance, reporting, editing, photojournalism, broadcast production and other media jobs. More than 150 researchers interviewed executives at more than 500 companies in 59 nations using a 12-page questionnaire." (Introduction)
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"In social sciences, the interdependence between media systems and political systems is generally not in doubt. However, empirical knowledge about the relation between the two types of systems is rare. A deeper understanding can be gained by an international comparison of media and political systems
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from a macro perspective using aggregated data. The pilot study presented in this article offers an approach to international comparison based on four dimensions: freedom, diversity, centrality and tradition. These concepts serve as dimensions of comparison for both media - and political systems. The instrument is tested by using an intentionally heterogeneous sample of seven countries from around the world: China, Germany, Japan, Mexico, the Netherlands, Russia and the US. In combination with a pragmatic use of systems theory as a theoretical framework, the dimensions allow more profound insights into the relation between media and political systems. In sum, the research project prepares the ground for future international large-N comparisons." (Abstract)
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"Contrary to the optimistic view that the Internet would promote democracy in authoritarian countries like China, the pervasive political apathy among younger generations calls for a closer examination of micro-level individual political participation. This study contributes to the nascent body of e
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mpirical literature probing Chinese Internet users' political participation online by examining related behavioral and attitudinal factors. We argue that Chinese netizens' online participatory behaviors are determined by their political attitudes, trust in the media, and, chiefly, trust in the social system. Importantly, the current political and social environment in China seems to truncate any liberalizing potential of the Internet, as evidenced by the limited online political discussion and strong presence of government regulation. This dynamic implies that any utopian predictions concerning political participation online need to be reformulated in light of these external contextual factors." (Abstract)
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"The book provides a glimpse into how China has tried to tell its story to the world. The introduction chapter outlines the broader context for the examination of Chinese public diplomacy. It discusses some of the emerging themes concerning the spirit and practice of the country’s image-building e
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fforts. Chapter 2 provides an overview of the trends and developments in Chinese public diplomacy, and discusses how China’s authoritarian system has benefits as well as drawbacks for its soft power pursuits. In the next three chapters, we examine some of the major Chinese external propaganda and communication platforms, including Beijing Review, CCTV International (renamed CCTV News in April 2010), and government news conferences and spokespersons [...] Chapter 6 takes on a relatively new topic of the increasing role of Chinese corporations in the process of public diplomacy. It examines the complex interplay between corporate branding and nation branding in the example of a leading Chinese company’s corporate social responsibility engagement in Africa. The ensuing two chapters cover China’s image promotion related to the Beijing Olympics from two different vantage points. Chapter 7 discusses the promotion of the Olympics to the Chinese domestic public, who were expected to be model citizens helping to deliver a positive image of China during the Games. This can be viewed as a case of how “charm offensive” begins on the home front. Chapter 8 sheds light on the role of the ever more active Chinese diaspora in national image management through its mobilization in defense of China’s image during the international leg of the Olympic torch relay. To provide some historical context to the discussion of China’s contemporary endeavor, Chapter 9 examines how the conception of “international propaganda” was formulated and institutionalized in early twentieth century China. It highlights the role of Chinese intellectuals in promoting China’s international communication. Our last essay explores higher education as a site of image-construction. It ref lects on how American college students read and evaluate China based on their perspectives and news sources. It ends with an imaginary dialogue between a Chinese journalist and an American journalist on mutual misperceptions, and possibilities for change, providing an “enjoyable and hopeful” conclusion to the book." (Preface, pages ix-x)
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"How do Chinese journalists cover climate-Change stories – and what opportunities for international cooperation in the field of climate change reporting exist for funders, NGOs and governments? These are the two related questions that this report attempts to address. The report – produced jointl
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y by chinadialogue, Caixin media and International Media Support (IMS) – is based on research carried out in June 2010. The author distributed questionnaires and conducted indepth, semi-structured interviews of participants at a climate-Change fellowship for 10 journalists and editors from around China, organised by Caixin media and IMS." (Introduction, page 8)
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"Eine Serie von Fallstudien – unter anderem zur Funktion von Blogs und Microblogs als „bottom- up journalism“ und zu Aktivitätsfeldern des chinesischen „hacktivism“ – verdeutlicht, welches Potenzial politischer Mobilisierung auch im chinesischen Kontext in der internetbasierten Kommunik
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ation liegt. Becker dokumentiert eine beachtliche Kreativität und Optionsvielfalt in der Umgehung staatlicher Zensurmaßnahmen. Die kommunikativen und technischen Aspekte des verbreiteten Ausweichverhaltens werden vom Autor systematisch aufgeschlüsselt. Die immer aufwändigeren Gegenmaßnahmen, die staatliche Sicherheitsorgane gegen politisch unliebsame Formen des Internet-Aktivismus ergreifen, bleiben in ihrer Effektivität begrenzt. Technische Ausweichmöglichkeiten und fortschreitende gesellschaftliche Liberalisierung werden eine staatliche Kontrolle des Internet auf Dauer unmöglich machen. Der politische Liberalisierungsdruck wird sich durch massenhafte Internetnutzung weiter verstärken – auch wenn dies nur mit Verzögerung zu Veränderungen im „analogen“ politischen System und keinesfalls zwangsläufig zu einer Demokratisierung nach westlichen Vorstellungen führen wird." (Sebastian Heilmann: Geleitwort, Seite 19)
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"This article examines e gao (online spoofs) as a popular form of political expression which has recently emerged on the Chinese internet. I first introduce a cultural approach to internet-mediated political communication that emphasizes discursive integration and the mutual constitution of communic
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ative activity and subjectivity. I then discuss how these two dimensions are configured in the specific media ecology in China with regard to the emergence of e gao. I will analyse the political implications of e gao through a close reading of the two most influential cases. Granted that these online spoofs neither qualify as rational debates aiming to achieve consensus nor have produced any visible policy consequences, but they constitute a significant component of civic culture that offers both political criticism and emotional bonding for all participants." (Abstract)
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"The Xinhua News Agency is China's largest state news agency. It is also the largest news agency among developing countries. This research examines the changes Xinhua has undergone over the past three decades under the backdrop of (a) the end of the Cold War, (b) the trend of globalization and vario
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us challenges it has brought to world news agencies, (c) drastic changes in both international and national news agencies across the world, and (d) China's eager desire to become a world superpower. Three questions are studied: What are the major changes that Xinhua has experienced since China adopted the reform policy in 1978? What factors have contributed to the transformation Xinhua has undergone? and What are the implications of Xinhua's transformation? The primary material/data were obtained from field research at the headquarters of the Xinhua News Agency in Beijing, China." (Abstract)
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"This paper examines the relationship between a broadcaster’s research methods and aspects of the environment in which it operates, specifically its accountability to its funders and the growth of interactivity by its users. It is concerned with (1) how the BBC World Service’s funding by the UK
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government’s Foreign & Commonwealth Office (FCO) means that it has to account for its activities to some extent in terms of the global conversation which it fosters; and (2) how the recent growth of interactive and social media enhances possibilities for worldwide engagement and conversation, but also increases the complexities of measurement. This is because users are dispersed across the globe (they are no longer confined to a geographical area of radio reception) and they are interactive: instead of merely listening or viewing, they talk back to the BBC, and they talk with one another. New tools and techniques are needed to measure these new flows and forms of interaction (and they also beg new professional and organisational practices). In a case study of the BBC’s Chinese service, the paper explores what the BBC knows of its audience or users; and, in a content analysis of online forums, it explores some of the issues and possibilities that arise in researching online interaction, the sort of research data and analysis that might be seen as necessary in the context of organisational accountability and the emerging interactive media environment." (Summary)
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"This article addresses a long-standing question: What are the political consequences of the rise of the Internet and the attendant emergence of netizens in China, particularly in terms of China's democratic prospects? Given the Chinese state's firm control in the realm of traditional media, the Int
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ernet has been expected to bring about political and social change in China since its introduction. Although scholars have had divergent views on what this change might look like, there has been no systematic effort to produce representative evidence to address the debate. Examining a nationwide representative survey data set, this study finds that Chinese netizens, as opposed to traditional media users and non-media users, are more politically opinionated. In addition, they are more likely to be simultaneously supportive of the norms of democracy and critical about the party-state and the political conditions in China, while also being potential and active participants in collective action. This article argues that, despite the competent authoritarian state, a more decentralized media system enabled by technology has contributed to a more critical and politicized citizenry in China's cyberspace. The Internet has made it possible for China's media system to undertake a new, albeit restricted and contingent role as a communication institution of the society. As critical citizenry, China's netizens constitute a new social force challenging authoritarian rule." (Abstract)
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"Literature about China’s role in Africa suggests that China’s presence on the continent is often viewed in stark binary terms, as either an exploitative, predatory force or a benevolent, development partner. An analysis of attitudes in the South African media over the last three years (if De Be
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er & Schreiner’s 2009 study is included), suggest that overall a more balanced view of China is emerging. Individual reports may still take an either/or stance, but when considered on the whole and across a range of media platforms, China is not represented in either a starkly positive or starkly negative light. It would seem that a cautiously optimistic attitude characterizes South African media coverage. The overall balance between positive, negative and neutral statements may suggest an understanding that China’s role in Africa is a complex one, which cannot be pigeonholed as either a ‘bad’ or ‘good’ news story. South Africa’s association with China as a partner country in the BRICS formation might in future continue to shape positive coverage. The large component ‘neutral’ statements may also reflect the strong influence of the normative values of ‘objectivity’ and ‘balance’ on South African professional journalism practice." (Conclusion, page 16-17)
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"Im Rahmen seiner Darstellung der Aktivitäten der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in China beschreibt der Autor in einem Unterkapitel (Seite 180-193) die Medienzusammenarbeit der FES in China zwischen 1980 und 1990." (commbox)
"This article aims at understanding the popularity and cultural and social significance of the highly prominent Chinese television show Super Girls’ Voice (the 2005 season), a talent contest largely modeled upon “reality shows” such as American Idol in the United States and Pop Idol in the Uni
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ted Kingdom. We focus particularly on whether the show, as some critics have claimed, has altered the power relationship between the media and the audience. Theoretically, we follow Couldry’s (2000) framework and consider the media’s construction of the symbolic boundary separating the “media world” and the “ordinary world” as crucial to the legitimization of media power. Based on an analysis of media discourses, review of publicized materials about the show’s organization, and a focus group study on young female audience members, we contend that the Super Girls’ Voice has involved a temporary suspension of the media/ordinary boundary. Yet the boundary was re-established toward the end of the show, thus relegitimizing media power. The audience members, meanwhile, were largely complicit throughout the process: they both enjoyed the temporary suspension and the ultimate re-establishment of the media/ordinary boundary." (Abstract)
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