"What happens to people and the societies in which they live after genocide? How are the devastating events remembered on the individual and collective levels, and how do these memories intersect and diverge as the rulers of postgenocidal states attempt to produce a monolithic "truth" about the past
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? In this important volume, leading anthropologists consider such questions about the relationship of genocide, truth, memory, and representation in the Balkans, East Timor, Germany, Guatemala, Indonesia, Nigeria, Rwanda, Sudan, and other locales. Specialists on the societies about which they write, these anthropologists draw on ethnographic research to provide on-the-ground analyses of communities in the wake of mass brutality. They investigate how mass violence is described or remembered, and how those representations are altered by the attempts of others, from NGOs to governments, to assert "the truth" about outbreaks of violence. One contributor questions the neutrality of an international group monitoring violence in Sudan and the assumption that such groups are, at worst, benign. Another examines the consequences of how events, victims, and perpetrators are portrayed by the Rwandan government during the annual commemoration of that country's genocide in 1994. Still another explores the silence around the deaths of between eighty and one hundred thousand people on Bali during Indonesia's state-sponsored anticommunist violence of 1965-1966, a genocidal period that until recently was rarely referenced in tourist guidebooks, anthropological studies on Bali, or even among the Balinese themselves. Other contributors consider issues of political identity and legitimacy, coping, the media, and "ethnic cleansing." (Publisher description)
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"This book examines the incorporation of newly accessible mass media into practices of religious mediation in a variety of settings including the Pentecostal Church and Islamic movements, as well as the use of religious forms and image in the sphere of radio and cinema." (Publisher description)
"While there is a near unanimity on the need for participation, there is as yet no such agreement on the type and degree of participation to be adopted in projects. One thing that has never been doubted is the fact that local people have not been accorded their rightful recognition and respect by mo
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st intervention agencies, hence the failure of some projects. So, how does a project that seeks to address issues of citizenship, participation, and accountability using a variety of participatory methodologies fare, especially against the backdrop of a multiethnic, multi-religious, and politically complex society like Nigeria? This paper examines the use of these methodologies, highlighting issues drawn out, and the successes and limitations of the findings for future research. Effective as the methods appeared to be, there were many questions and issues unanswered beyond the immediate mandate of the project, which beg for attention in order for the communities to move towards genuine development and stop open display of sometimes misplaced aggression." (Abstract)
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"Osama" als Marke: Kommunikation und Handel durch Bilder von Bin Laden in Nigeria. Schon bald nach dem 11. September überschwemmten Bin-Laden-Waren die Straßen und Märkte des überwiegend muslimischen Nordnigeria. Später brachten Sänger und Filmemacher Lieder und Filme heraus, die die Kriege in
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Afghanistan und im Irak kommentierten. Während das Aufkommen solcher Produkte durch die kommerzielle Logik der "Politsploitation" (Armbrust) erklärt werden kann, bleiben die Bedeutung, die Bin Laden zugeschrieben wird, und die kommunikative Nutzung seines Bildes durch eine solche Erklärung weitgehend im Dunkeln. Um über das Konzept der "Politicsploitation" hinauszugehen, wird in diesem Essay eine Reihe von Bin Laden-inspirierten Produkten (Poster, Filme, Aufkleber) näher betrachtet und ihre Bedeutung in Bezug auf den breiteren nigerianischen Kontext interpretiert, in dem sie entstanden sind - zwischen 2001 und 2003, einer Zeit, die durch intensive politische und religiöse Debatten gekennzeichnet war. Ich behaupte, dass die lokalen Bedeutungen und die kommunikative Funktion der Bin-Laden-Bilder auf der Übertragung globaler Konfliktlinien - vereinfacht und reduziert auf "USA gegen Bin Laden" oder "Christen gegen Muslime" - auf lokale nigerianische Konflikte beruhen, die seit 1999 aufgrund der Wiedereinführung der Scharia in zwölf der nördlichen Bundesstaaten zwischen Muslimen und Christen ausgetragen werden. Für eine Reihe nigerianischer Muslime ist Bin Laden eine Ikone einer neuen und radikalen Form des Islam und eine Art "Ersatzprophet" geworden. In gewisser Weise hat Bin Ladens Bild, insbesondere sein Gesicht, eine Lücke in den neuen visuellen öffentlichen Räumen gefüllt, die in den nigerianischen Städten während des letzten Jahrzehnts entstanden sind und die von der Werbung für politische Ideologien und religiöse Überzeugungen dominiert werden. Wie anderswo auch, greift diese Art der visuellen Kommunikation auf die anthropologische Logik der Werbung für Ideen und Produkte durch die Gesichter bekannter religiöser oder politischer Persönlichkeiten zurück. Innerhalb dieser Logik entwickelte sich Bin Ladens Gesicht zu einem Markenzeichen des radikalen Islam und zu einer Ikone der gerechten und selbstlosen islamischen Führung und wurde als solches von Mitgliedern der muslimischen Massen genutzt, um eine neue radikale Identität sowohl gegenüber ihren christlichen Landsleuten als auch gegenüber ihren eigenen politischen und wirtschaftlichen Eliten zu vermitteln.° (Zusammenfassung)
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"Appreciating the challenges, role and prospects of the industry was at the very core of the author's raison d'être for writing the text. The research effort informing the book has sought to capture factors shaping the encoding practices of Nigerian television in its five decades of operations. The
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book is primarily an account collated from a range of organisational sources using ethnographic techniques. It examines the pioneering efforts, offering an insight into the use of television as a tool of governance. It shows how central television has been in this process thus revising previous views which, in their celebration of radio as the medium for social mobilisation at the grassroots, have understated the profile of television. This is an account of a significant aspect of cultural life which should facilitate an understanding of the role of television as an important medium in the politics of a nation; especially one with such diverse identity groups and cultures as Nigeria." (Publisher description)
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"State-run broadcasting organisations in the South are usually ill-prepared for their public-service role in new democracies. They are often poorly funded compared to their new, commercial rivals and often still bound by the same ‘rules of the game’ that governed them prior to the democratic era
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. Broadcasters typically remain accountable to government and not to their listeners, and promote the interests and agendas of the political elite. This paper focuses on the experiences of DFID support to a radio programme in northern Nigeria [Hannu Daya] that sought to improve communication and debate between the government and the electorate. It argues that there are legitimate circumstances for development partners to engage with state-controlled media outlets, not least in rural areas where commercial broadcasters lack the financial incentive to establish stations and provide programming that has relevance to the poor. The authors critically examine the lessons learned from DFID’s support and identify measures that could assist similar initiatives in the future." (Abstract)
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"This book examines, from theoretical and empirical perspectives, the claims that new information and communication technologies (ICTs) are catalysts of democratic change in Africa. Contributors do so from optimist, pragmatist-realist, and pessimist stances through analyses of various forms of evide
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nces—including words and deeds of various political actors and organizations or institutions, from government units to political parties and party leaders to civil society organizations and minority or marginalized groups. The main focus is, therefore, on the interrelated concepts of e-participation and e-democracy." (Preface)
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"In this groundbreaking work, Brian Larkin provides a history and ethnography of media in Nigeria, asking what media theory looks like when Nigeria rather than a European nation or the United States is taken as the starting point. Concentrating on the Muslim city of Kano in the north of Nigeria, Lar
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kin charts how the material qualities of technologies and the cultural ambitions they represent feed into the everyday experiences of urban Nigeria. Media technologies were introduced to Nigeria by colonial regimes as part of an attempt to shape political subjects and create modern, urban Africans. Larkin considers the introduction of media along with electric plants and railroads as part of the wider infrastructural project of colonial and postcolonial urbanism. Focusing on radio networks, mobile cinema units, and the building of cinema theaters, he argues that what media come to be in Kano is the outcome of technology's encounter with the social formations of northern Nigeria and with norms shaped by colonialism, postcolonial nationalism, and Islam. Larkin examines how media technologies produce the modes of leisure and cultural forms of urban Africa by analyzing the circulation of Hindi films to Muslim Nigeria, the leisure practices of Hausa cinemagoers in Kano, and the dynamic emergence of Nigerian video films. His analysis highlights the diverse, unexpected media forms and practices that thrive in urban Africa." (Publisher description)
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"There is very little undestanding of the role that communicartion processes play in the numerous starnds of post-conflict reconstruction, including peacebuilding, governance, and long-term development. This paper addressess this gap by distilling lessons learned from the media and communication str
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ategies of different donors. It takes as its primary case study the Office of Transition Initiatives at the U.S. Agency for International Development, which has long track record of media and communication work in post-conflict environments. In doing so, it seeks to present a new model for understanding and working with communication in post-conflict and fragile environments." (Foreword)
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"The essays in this volume reflect a wide-range of issues and concerns related to children’s media culture in Africa. For example, several address the role of entertainment television in Addis Abba, Ghana, South Africa, Kenya, and Zambia and in the lives of Muslim children. Other essays introduce
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us to children-centered media from Ghana, South Africa, and Zimbabwe, and the innovative programs of PLAN-International. In addition to entertainment media and children-centered media, media education and digital media literacy are also discussed." (Publisher description)
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