"This paper will examine American efforts to create a vibrant free press in Iraq and Afghanistan. A $200 million project in Iraq was the largest attempt ever by the United States, or any country, to help create independent media in another nation. Run by the Pentagon, it was a near total failure in
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its first year, with Iraqi journalists, American trainers and U.S. government officials assailing it as wasteful, amateurish and counterproductiv. A far smaller, $15 million State Department effort in Afghanistan, by comparison, appears to have been more effective. In both countries, many local journalists have performed well, particularly when given proper resources and training. But in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as around the world, murder and violence is now the single largest threat to the creation of an independent news media. Government officials, criminals and terrorists are increasingly using assault and murder to silence the media. Supporting, respecting and, most of all, securing local journalists may be the most critical way the United States can foster the creation of a vibrant free press in Iraq and Afghanistan." (Abstract)
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"Die aufgeklärte Öffentlichkeit im Westen hat neue Helden: die Journalisten und Macher des arabischen Nachrichtensenders Al-Dschasira. Ganz offensichtlich lassen sie sich weder von Anzeigenboykotten aus der arabischen Welt noch von Anfeindungen der amerkanischen Führung davon abbringen, ihnen zug
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ängliche Nachrichten ohne jedwede Rücksichten zu verbreiten. Weltweites Aufsehen erregte Al Dschasira, als man nach dem 11. September ein Tonband Osama Bin Ladens abspielte. Seitdem steht der Sender im Verdacht, mit Al Quaida zu konspirieren. In den Verdacht, auch vom israelischen Geheimdienst oder der CIA finanziert zu sein, kam er, als er zu Beginn der zweiten Intifada in seiner berühmten Talkshow 'The Opposite Direction' auch Israelis zu Wort kommen ließ. Mit dieser Politik folgt Al-Dschasira – nach Auskunft der Verantwortlichen – 'nur' seinem Motto 'Meinung und Gegenmeinung'. Ob damit die tatsächlichen Motive des Senders richtig charakterisiert sind, ist auch Thema dieser Reportage. Der Journalist Hugh Miles sprach mit den Schlüsselfiguren des Senders. Er berichtet über die Hintergründe und die Stationen des meteoritengleichen Aufstiegs eines Fernsehsenders, der demnächst auch in englischer Sprache senden wird, um so weltweit zu agieren. Möglicherweise, so meint Hugh Miles selbstkritisch, habe er nur deswegen – sozusagen als PR im englischsprachigen Raum – die bisher einmalige Gelegenheit erhalten, hinter die Kulissen zu sehen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Reporting War explores the social responsibilities of the journalist during times of military conflict. News media treatments of international crises, especially the one underway in Iraq, are increasingly becoming the subject of public controversy, and discussion is urgently needed. Each of this bo
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ok's contributors challenges familiar assumptions about war reporting from a distinctive perspective. An array of pressing issues associated with conflicts over recent years are identified and critiqued, always with an eye to what they can tell us about improving journalism today. Special attention is devoted to recent changes in journalistic forms and practices, and the ways in which they are shaping the visual culture of war, and issues discussed, amongst many, include: "the influence of censorship and propaganda, 'us' and 'them' news narratives, access to sources, '24/7 rolling news' and the 'CNN effect', military jargon (such as 'friendly fire' and 'collateral damage'), 'embedded' and 'unilateral' reporters, tensions between objectivity and patriotism." (Publisher description)
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"This report, Audience Perceptions of Radio Programming in Afghanistan, is the result of qualitative research conducted to assess audience perceptions of 3 key radio stations in the cities of Kabul and Herat in June 2004. The stations are: Radio Afghanistan (the state broadcaster) Arman FM (Afghanis
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tan’s first commercial station) and Radio Herat (the state broadcaster). A total of 12 focus groups were conducted, split by age (18 – 29 and 30+) and gender. For each target station, 4 groups were held. Each group comprised 8 participants. The overall objective was to explore listening habits and audience preferences, particularly in terms of coverage of news and elections-related information, in order to inform the BBC WST project as it builds capacity within the Afghan media to play its part in the process of democratisation.
The research revealed a number of findings relating to general media consumption in Afghanistan: Listeners regularly switch between radio stations to listen to particular programming or presenters they like. Men and women listen at different times of the day, men more frequently in the early mornings and evenings, women during the day. Interactivity (such as phone-ins and letters) in programming appeals to listeners. Programmes that offer help and advice and have educational benefit are popular. Listeners dislike language that is overly formal and difficult but equally dislike language that is regarded as trivial or inappropriate. There are generational and gender differences in programme preferences, with younger audiences drawn especially by music programming. There is high awareness of programme names and presenter names." (Executive summary, page 2)
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"Viele autoritäre Regime fürchten den unkontrollierten Informationsfluss, gerade weil er gemeinsames Handeln ermöglicht und ihre Herrschaft gefährden könnte. Auch manche Kulturkritiker würden gerne Informationen kanalisieren, um einen Kulturimperialismus abzuwehren, bei dem sich ihrer Ansicht
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nach die stärksten Vermarkter im internationalen Mediengeschäft mit ihrer Weltsicht durchsetzen oder die mächtigen Kolonialsprachen die lokalen Sprachen verdrängen würden. Die meisten Menschen wollen sich nicht bevormunden lassen, auch nicht in wohlmeinender Absicht. Bei importierten Seifenopern im Fernsehen zeigen sie sich zum Beispiel durchaus in der Lage, sich ihren eigenen Reim auf das Angebot zu machen und es für ihr Umfeld zu interpretieren. Das bedeutet umgekehrt, dass wer eine bestimmte Botschaft über Grenzen hinweg in die Köpfe bekommen will, mit ganz anderen als den beabsichtigten Ergebnissen rechnen muss." (Editorial)
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"In the case of media assistance in Afghanistan, financial and organizational resources originate almost exclusively from Western donors and INGOs, which largely bypass the Afghan Government. Organizations within the funding chain thus hold a functional form of power arising from the deployment of a
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llocative resources and it enables them to attempt an instigation of social change in Afghanistan. According to the notion of power associated with Talcott Parson, a functional form of power requires coordination and collaboration in order to achieve collective goals within a political process. However, conflicts may arise in Afghanistan if collective goals diverge among the various foreign and domestic participants involved in altering the media space. This could occur if the various participants do not envision the outcome of media assistance objectives as a zero-sum game. Additionally, Giddens asserts that Parson underestimates the contestation of the norms necessary to pursue collective goals in the first place. Even though the Afghan Government and international donors purportedly agree on the installation of a democracy with a free and independent media, they still need to overcome resistance from existing power holders or entrenched structural properties impeding such a development. In the context of Afghanistan, it is very conceivable that media assistance could prompt intentional or even unintentional consequences caused by social actors discontent with the normative values and goals promulgated by media assistance. Such unintentional conditions may render the desired outcomes of media assistance providers impossible and undermine the desired social transformation. It is erroneous, though, to apply a positivist view that judges the success or failure of media assistance according to the outcome of the flux between structure and interaction alluded to in chapter four. In fact, such a view would be contrary to the propositions of structuration theory that imply a lack of definable boundaries in which structure and interaction intermingles. Equally wrong is to evaluate the media assistance effort by funding amounts contributed by donors, even though financial resources are a pre-requisite for rebuilding the media infrastructure. Instead, media assistance can be conceived as a form of empowerment that imbues a target society with a collective consciousness concerning its ability to alter structural properties, which represent forms of power and domination according to Giddens. The success of media assistance therefore is to produce a collective awareness that individuals can influence the structural properties of a social system, regardless of the direction of change emanating from the mediation of structure and action. The process of change requires not only the acquisition of functional power through allocative resources, but also the acquisition of transformative power by means of controlling authoritative resources, which are involved in the coordination of a social system. Afghans need to control the actors or institutions that selectively filter information in order to reflexively “regulate the overall conditions of system reproduction either to keep things as they are or to change them” (Giddens, 1984, page 27). Yet, it remains unresolved to what extent media assistance has provided Afghans with transformative power and whether or not it allows them to influence the underlying forces that mediate the structural properties in society." (Conclusions, page 39-40)
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"In these two volumes, readers will find comparative, in-depth essays on the press systems of 232 countries and/or territories. World Press Encyclopedia (WPE) is unique and valuable to users because, in addition to essays on each country’s press system, WPE also contains custommade graphs and stat
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istical tables, as well as regional maps, useful appendices, and an extensive index. This comprehensive, authoritative source of information allows for easy comparison between essays with a standard format or set of “rubrics” used whenever possible (see section titled “Essay Components”). Each essay also features basic data information—such as official country name, literacy rate, language(s), and number of daily newspapers—clearly marked with headings at the beginning of each entry. Additionally, WPE’s contributors include scholars, professionals, and educators from across the United States and around the world; each essay has a byline. Although this is the second edition, WPE has been completely reconceptualized and 100 percent revised from the first edition, which was published in 1982." (Introduction)
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"Presents case studies from 12 countries and lists 69 organisations working with media as conflict prevention and/or peacebuilding tool." (commbox)
"This collection of conversations between journalists and federal officials aims to capture the tensions between the press and the government during wartime. They cover issues including military censorship and the difficulties of maintaining security in an era of satellite technology." (Publisher de
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scription)
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"This study, sponsored by the Communication Assistance Foundation, examines the potential for community-based radio in Afghanistan and identifies examples of how community radio can support initiatives for community development. The report and its recommendations are primarily intended as a resource
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for agencies and organizations considering supporting radio, media or communication activities in the country, whether with funds or expertise [...] The report's main conclusion is that community radio is not only a viable option for Afghanistan, it is also a low-cost and effective way of contributing to medium and long-term efforts for reconstruction, development, democracy and nation-building. Community radio can be the missing link in a three-tiered publicservice radio system made up of national, regional and local radio stations. Recommendations deal with awareness of community radio, legal issues, governance, technology, and coordination of activities." (Executive summary, page II-III)
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"On 5 September 2002, an International Seminar bringing together representatives of the Afghan government, local civil society and the international community adopted a Declaration on Promoting an Independent and Pluralistic Media in Afghanistan (‘the Declaration’). This Declaration, together wi
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th the Policy Directions on Reconstruction and Development of Media in Afghanistan issued by the Minister for Information and Culture on 6 June (‘the Policy Directions’), constitutes the basic framework for the development of media policy in Afghanistan. Both the Policy Directions and the Declaration are firmly rooted in international law and standards. This Explanatory Memorandum seeks to elaborate the international and comparative law basis for the Declaration, particularly relating to the guarantee of freedom of expression. It draws on international law, as elaborated in the decisions of international courts and authoritative international statements, as well as leading national court decisions interpreting constitutional guarantees of freedom of expression. It is intended to contribute towards implementation of the Policy Directions and Declaration. Where possible, specific suggestions are made for the practical implementation of individual action points mentioned in the Declaration. This memorandum first discusses the importance of freedom of expression in a democratic society, with particular emphasis on the special role of the media. It then provides a commentary on those issues addressed in the Declaration which are of a legal or regulatory nature, including public service broadcasting and the promotion of an independent and pluralistic media." (Introduction)
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"The Handbook for Afghan Journalists is designed to help Afghan journalists in three ways. First, it serves as an explanation in their own language to many of the ideas and concepts behind international journalism. Second, it provides practical guidance on many of the basic techniques of journalism.
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To this end there are 12 exercises in the book. Some of them have answers provided at the end, and others either have no correct answers or are designed to be worked on in the classroom with a teacher. Third, the glossary at the back is intended to serve as a reference to explain and introduce many concepts which may be new to Afghan journalists. A wider range of reporting on economic and humanitarian issues is essential to strong public debate - and good government and international community strategies - if Afghanistan's bid for peace and development is to succeed. Journalists need familiarity with basic concepts in these fields to report on them properly." (Introduction, page 2)
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"This article explores the bipolar structure of communication in Afghanistan, where the latest technological advancements in media coexist with a complex system of traditional communication. After 22 years of civil war and the destruction of most modern media facilities, Afghanistan's traditional ch
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annels of communication have become even more significant. This article examines the history of the press in Afghan politics and society and asks what roles modern and traditional communication systems and values may play in the future." (Abstract)
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"This article considers the role of three forms of print media in the development of radical Islamic political ideology and organization in Afghanistan. Through an examination of newspapers, pamphlets, and magazines, the article considers the way in which textual forms have supplemented ideological
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content in helping to produce Islamic political militancy and authoritarian political parties in the Afghan context." (Summary)
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