"Generally, images in art forms occupy a controversial position in the Islamic world. The Sunni branch of Islam, considered more conservative and strict does not approve or condone representational art of the human form for fear that it would eventually turn into an object of worship. The Shi’ite
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branch of Islam, however, has a radically opposing perspective and consequently allows figurative representation in its art forms. The situation becomes more complicated when it comes to depicting prophets, who, starting from the Prophet Muhammad, are prohibited in Sunni Islam from being figuratively represented in any form. This article discusses the representation of spirituality in religious media in Nigeria, especially the reception of the representation of Biblical and Islamic prophets in dubbed Iranian films targeted at popular culture consumption. I situate my discussion within the matrix of social control and censorship in northern Nigerian Muslim cultures." (Abstract)
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"This chapter focuses on gender dynamics in media safety in Nigeria. It critically examines the safety challenges journalists in Nigeria face in executing their duties in a country that has experienced different forms of conflicts, ranging from political instability, organized crime, terrorism, and
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communal conflict. It analyses these challenges in relation to gender. To achieve this, the researcher made use of primary data generated from interviews with journalists. The chapter discloses issues of gender-based discrimination, sexual and violent harassment, abuse at work and outside work, murder, and unwarranted arrest and intimidation, showing they are among the challenges journalists face. It identifies some gender-specific safety concerns among the journalists interviewed. Importantly, it finds that safety challenges such as sexual harassment are hardly reported and when reported, they are usually trivialized, most times re-shaming the victim(s) and causing the victim to shy away from reporting future occurrences." (Abstract)
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"The relationship between journalists and political sources has been characterized by a tug of war between reporters and officials where top politicians have the upper hand in the coproduction of news through their ability to provide critical information subsidies that most news media rely on. The d
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ynamic of the journalist–source relationship has, however, mostly been analyzed in stable high-income democracies. This article goes beyond existing research by analyzing the relationship between reporters and officials in Nigeria, in principle, a democracy but in practice, a hybrid regime where journalists face substantial political pressures. Through a combination of content analysis and in-depth interviews, it shows how journalists in Nigeria are not only dependent on the information subsidies found in the West but also affected by politicians using positive (monetary awards) and negative (intimidation and violence) tangible incentives that go well beyond information subsidies. The article argues that this shapes the nature of coproduction of news in Nigeria and that more broadly, the resources available to politicians to influence journalists through such positive tangible incentives and the degree to which they, with impunity, can use negative tangible incentives, should be key dimensions for future comparative work on relations between reporters and officials as political communication research goes beyond stable democracies where money handouts and violence is unlikely to be the key factors influencing news production." (Abstract)
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"This article offers a critique of widely disseminated portrayals of northern Malian Tuareg by outside media, which tend to portray all Tuareg as warriors and criminals and to project pseudo-scientific concepts of “race” onto relationships between Tuareg and other Malians, recalling the now disc
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redited colonial “Hamitic Myth” in Rwanda. It also analyzes local oral historical accounts that present themes of Mali as both a protected fortress and welcoming crossroads, a country that both resists and absorbs intruders, and that also express concepts of identity based on language, culture, and flexible social affiliation. The article is based partly on interviews with internationally known local musicians who function as mediating “third voices,” and concludes with a discussion of wider implications of these findings for notions of voice, authority, and the mutual construction of ideas of Africa." (Abstract)
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"In October 1967, early in the Nigerian Civil War, government troops entered Asaba in pursuit of the retreating Biafran army, slaughtering thousands of civilians and leaving the town in ruins. News of the atrocity was suppressed by the Nigerian government, with the complicity of Britain, and its sig
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nificance in the subsequent progress of that conflict was misunderstood. Drawing on archival sources on both sides of the Atlantic and interviews with survivors of the killing, pillaging and rape, as well as with high-ranking Nigerian military and political leaders, S. Elizabeth Bird and Fraser M. Ottanelli offer an interdisciplinary reconstruction of the history of the Asaba Massacre, redefining it as a pivotal point in the history of the war. Through this, they also explore the long afterlife of trauma, the reconstruction of memory and how it intersects with justice, and the task of reconciliation in a nation where a legacy of ethnic suspicion continues to reverberate." (Publisher description)
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"The study found that among women, access to and use of the internet is highly dependent on the type of mobile device used and on level of education. Connecting with friends and family, entertainment and education emerged as the main reasons why the female respondents used the internet. Unreliable y
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et expensive internet or data services; inadequate technical know-how on internet use and online insecurity were some of the challenges the women reported were hampering their access and use of the internet. On the basis of the findings, it is recommended that existing data prices are reviewed; public education and awareness creation efforts especially among women and girls are intensified; existing policies are updated with targets and budget allocations to facilitate implementation and monitoring; and more research done to provide scientific evidence to inform policies, interventions and advocacy to help improve the women’s rights online situation in the country." (Pages 4-5)
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"Governments around the world have dramatically increased their efforts to manipulate information on social media over the past year. The Chinese and Russian regimes pioneered the use of surreptitious methods to distort online discussions and suppress dissent more than a decade ago, but the practice
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has since gone global. Such state-led interventions present a major threat to the notion of the internet as a liberating technology. Online content manipulation contributed to a seventh consecutive year of overall decline in internet freedom, along with a rise in disruptions to mobile internet service and increases in physical and technical attacks on human rights defenders and independent media. Nearly half of the 65 countries assessed in Freedom on the Net 2017 experienced declines during the coverage period, while just 13 made gains, most of them minor. Less than one-quarter of users reside in countries where the internet is designated Free, meaning there are no major obstacles to access, onerous restrictions on content, or serious violations of user rights in the form of unchecked surveillance or unjust repercussions for legitimate speech." (Page 1)
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"In April 2014, Boko Haram, a militant Islamist group, abducted over 200 Nigerian girls from the town of Chibok in Nigeria. The kidnapping caused global outrage and the local community responded by designing an online social media campaign they called "Bring Back Our Girls" that used Facebook and Tw
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itter and quickly went viral. The campaign garnered worldwide attention and as interest grew, celebrity participation increased. In the United States, First Lady Michelle Obama was part of a massive appeal for the terrorist group to return the community's children. Dorothy Njoroge seeks to understand the role of online community activism. Questioning whether such campaigns provide opportunities for global citizenship, her research grapples with the debate over whether social media campaigns should be understood as mere "clicktivism," or if they are able to lead to other forms of political participation and off line involvement. She explores the discursive constructions of the Facebook postings using three action frames drawn from social movement literature-diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational. She concludes that given broad global lack of effective institutionalized leadership, social media campaigns may perhaps speak to the beginnings of a growing people's movement powered by technology." (Introduction to part 8, page 436-437)
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"Five weeks prior to the 2011 general election in Liberia, women in randomly selected villages were allocated radios and organized into groups to listen regularly to radio programs on the electoral process broadcast by the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL). The field experiment was designed
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to ascertain the direct effects of women's access to politically-relevant information through radio broadcasting on their political behaviors and attitudes in a post-war context. Results point to positive significant effects of access to United Nations Mission in Liberia Radio on female political participation both at a national and a local level. Communities that received the intervention also exhibited smaller gender gaps across the majority of outcome indicators. The results suggest that UNMIL Radio effects likely occurred through increased political efficacy of women voters in the lead up to the elections. The study concludes that women's exposure to politically-relevant information through mass-broadcasting, even if brief, can boost their political efficacy and participation in public life." (Abstract)
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"In a highly competitive media landscape, BBC Media Action’s governance programmes reached 52.8 million people in 2014 (and an estimated 64.6 million cumulatively), representing more than half the adult population of the country. One reason for this success was the brokering of radio partnerships
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that ensured distribution of radio content across the country. In contrast to other countries that held elections during the course of the Global Grant project, the Nigerian programmes managed to sustain their high level of audience engagement after the elections. This was achieved by: adapting the content to topical issues; transitioning from focusing on encouraging peaceful elections to holding elected officials to account; and encouraging officials to follow up on their electoral promises. Across the five years, the project managed to increase the percentage of rural and female listeners. The Hausa outputs (Mu Tattauna and Gatanan Gatanan Ku) were particularly effective at reaching these groups in northern Nigeria. The debate and discussion programmes were successful at enabling people to question officials directly and audiences appreciated hearing a diverse range of views and opinions. This speaks directly to the project’s objective of encouraging dialogue and understanding of diverse points of view. The dramas were effective at role modelling how people could resolve conflicts, question officials and participate in civic life. By showcasing scenarios people could relate to, their storylines helped ordinary people and leaders understand their rights and responsibilities and how democratic processes work. Those exposed to these factual and drama outputs knew more, discussed more and participated more in politics even when controlling for other factors that may influence these outcomes (such as age, income, education and interest in politics). Despite Nigerians remaining cynical about the willingness and ability of politicians to respond to their needs, the programmes were particularly effective at encouraging people who had not participated in public life before to do so." (Key findings from the research)
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"Concern on safety and security of journalist is a global phenomenon. This gave rise to security and safety policy documents and protocols for journalists and the need for journalists to know about them to better safeguard themselves while on duty. Studies were conducted on the state of journalist
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s in terms of their security and safety, yet only a few have been carried out in this area especially in northern Nigeria. Consequently, this paper examines the level and determinants of security and safety awareness among journalist in Nigeria, as well as how they handle their safety and security within their job environment. A survey was conducted among 100 journalists in Kaduna state using to collect the data which was analysed using SPSS 2.0 package." (Abstract)
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"Heather Bourbeau finds that in a crisis, media professionals and humanitarian aid providers negotiate a delicate balance between thorough and consistent coverage, and coverage that sensationalizes a crisis and leads to hysteria, misery, and fatigue. In "F" Bourbeau compares the media coverage of th
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e Ebola crisis in Liberia to reporting on the Second Congo War in the DRC. She finds that when the topic is a contagious disease outbreak, media themes can swing the international community into action, but can also create unnecessary fear in countries far from the affected areas. By contrast, ongoing conflicts such as the war in the DRC often become background noise relegated to the back pages of major newspapers, if covered at all by the international press. She concludes that without continued media interest and informed coverage the international community's response becomes dulled or muted and atrocities can be overlooked despite a continuous need for assistance and diplomatic efforts." (Introduction to part 4, page 186)
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"Rural print media journalists in Africa tap into perceptions about their readers to produce newspapers. The evolving aesthetic perceptions of the rural print media in Ghana have in turn produced social domains of consumption and affiliation with the newspapers and print media. The style of Ewe-lang
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uage newspapers produced in Ghana has generated different newspaper-reader affiliations and discursive spheres. This article examines some of the stylistic features of Ewe newspapers, investigating the way in which rural print media consumers and producers use these to articulate perceptions of the language domain of Ghanaian rural newspapers and print media." (Abstract)
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"This research assesses the access and usage of ICT (mobile and smart phones, personal computer, tablets and ipads) and internet by residents of Lagos in Nigeria, with emphasis on the availability and use of ICT for socioeconomic and political growth. ICT access and usage is indispensable in today's
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e-global society. Bridging the digital divide in Nigeria through ICT development is an important task that both government and private sector must continue to place as a priority in the 21st century. The study highlights the lack of means and appropriate infrastructure for access to ICT and internet, the lack of training on how to use them for individual and national development and the way forward to make Lagosians (residents of Lagos) fit in much more into the global digital world." (Abstract)
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"Overall, the program set out what it achieved to do—namely to strengthen the institutional capacity of civil society organizations to improve their credibility, visibility, effectiveness and sustainability. There is evidence that many partner CSOshave refined theirmission, developed a multi-year
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strategic plan, a communications plan, a gender policy and an HR policy. In addition, they are beginning to integrate new financial reporting and M&E structures. All of the partner CSOs have improved their sustainability byreceiving additional funds to continue their work, and many of them hav developed strategies to diversify their revenue generation, such as expanding their offices to rent out board rooms. A number of organizations are eager to pass their new knowledge onto others, with many training peer CSOs on what they learned through the Search program. Finally, the program was effective in improving their own confidence, with all of the partner CSOs expressing their appreciation of the program, and in particular the freedom they had to define their own priorities and objectives.A number of lessons emerged during the course of implementation that are relevant for Search’s future work in civil society strengthening, as well as for other organizations working in this sector: 1. The participatory benchmarking approach is useful to help organizations track improvments in their organziational capacity over time. However, there was a tendency for CSOs to overstate what was possible within a limited timeframe. As a result, benchmarks were not consistently met, and many of the capacity-related development were not fully institutionalized by the project end. 2. The integration of radio programs with other civil society organizing approaches—town hall meetings, workshops, and house to house outreach—is an effective way to improve awareness and engagement of citizens in governance reform issues on a mass scale. 3. Programs to improve the capacity and sustainability of CSOs, and to professionalize the sector, are crucial but often overlooked, in efforts to improve local governance in fragile and trasitional countries such as Liberia. 4. There is a need to continue efforts to link civil society actors together for cohesive action and to further improve the enabling environment for civil society in Liberia by providing opportunities for CSOs to develop strategic collaborations, improve organizational capacity development, and attract donor funds to support their work." (Conclusions)
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"Le colloque poursuivait les objectifs suivants : dresser un état des lieux de l’édition et de la politique du livre en langues nationales dans les pays participants au colloque; exposer et discuter de la pertinence, de l’utilisation, et de la portée de certains alphabets introduits dans les
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langues guinéennes (adlam pular, icra n’ko, caractères latins harmonisés, etc.); analyser et catégoriser les approches et stratégies porteuses développées dans la sous-région en matière de production et de promotion du livre et de la lecture dans les langues nationales; formuler des recommandations en vue du développement et de la promotion des livres en langues africaines, aussi bien en Guinée que dans la sous-région (comme pour les langues transfrontalières)." (Page 6)
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"Although not always consistent, Boko Haram has ensured its narrative is publicly disseminated, which is revealing for a group that is extremely secretive. Messaging creates awareness about the group and its activities, which can tie into recruitment. Messaging demonstrates a clear pattern of expand
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ed target groups and geographic areas, while outlining group grievances. Boko Haram’s intended audience has shifted over time, but core groups have likely been augmented by expanding dynamics, rather than supplanted. Further research on Boko Haram messaging and its resonance within the local population should be conducted." (Key points, page 2)
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"This publication is what we call our Transfer Guide. It serves three different purposes. First, it documents the work done by the IGF Academy team and the eight fellows in 2016. Together, we mapped those stakeholders involved (or who should be involved) in Internet governance in the eight countries
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[Bangladesh, Bhutan, Congo-Brazzaville, Myanmar, Namibia, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Togo] [...] Secondly, the Transfer Guide is an iterative document in that the fellows will continue to work on or adapt various aspects of the process, such as creating more detailed funding and communication strategies or mapping a changing stakeholder environment. As such, the Transfer Guide shows past as well as future tasks and also serves as a reminder of actions to review. Thirdly, this publication aims to transfer knowledge and experience so that others can benefit from the results of this process." (Page 3)
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"The protests that took place in Nigeria due to removal of fuel subsidy by the Jonathan administration in January 2012, tagged ‘Occupy Nigeria Protest’, have been labelled the social media revolution by the conventional media commentators in the country. For the first time in the history of the
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country, ethnic, regional and religious differences were set aside to confront the State in an arena without any State control: the Internet and its social communities, unrestricted, uncontrolled, uninhibited; the images, imageries and imaginations of the protestors deconstructed State authority and control - often in the face of brutal State attempts at offline suppression - and spread messages of solidarity and ‘anti-State’ forces. Using semiotic analysis and grounded within the theories of intermedialities, the findings suggest that the images on social media had played a significant role in mobilizing the protesters to come out and keep them on the street for the period of the protest." (Abstract)
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