"This dictionary offers a wide range of Arabic media entries, which have been translated and contextualised in authentic Arabic media texts, some of which have been extracted from Arabic newspapers and online Arabic media sources. Containing more than 6,500 entries with sample sentences, this dictio
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nary is a vital reference for students of Arabic translation, journalists, Arabic instructors and learners of Arabic at intermediate and advanced levels. The dictionary is structured in alphabetical order, accompanied by an Arabic index for easy access." (Publisher description)
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"This publication presents EED’s work in the area of independent media, and reflects on lessons learned in six years of media and democracy support. It offers an analysis of the worrying trends and challenges faced by media today and calls for an urgent re-set in thinking about donor support to me
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dia in the EU neighbourhood. The document also seeks to offer recommendations for the wider donor community. Key recommendations include the need for a longer-term and more coordinated approach to media support as an essential component of democratisation, recognising the high cost of quality media and the difficulties media have of surviving in increasingly distorted markets and restrictive environments [...] Over the past six years, EED has ensured a particular focus on media-based projects, funding more than 230 initiatives. This represents around one third of all initiatives supported by EED. In line with EED’s added-value philosophy, support is usually focused on areas that cannot currently get funding from other donors, such as seed funding, bridge funding and emergency support, in addition to core funding and funding provided in a discrete way. It is important to note that EED support cannot replace the need for further support from other donors [...] EED’s media work can broadly be divided into the following five thematic areas: Ensuring media pluralism; Supporting innovation; Countering disinformation; Investigative journalism and documentation; Media targeting specific audiences." (Pages 3-4)
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"[...] this ISPI report aims to investigate the current landscape of jihadist online communication, including original empirical analysis. In doing so, the volume does not interpret the internet as a shapeless monolith but tries to highlight the opportunities and limitations of different digital pla
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tforms. It also explores the current Italian-language jihadist scenario, thus filling a gap in the analysis of this phenomenon. Specific attention is also placed on potential measures and initiatives to address the threat of online violent extremism." (Introduction, page 7)
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"This report assesses widespread claims that pan-Arab satellite news channels are responsible for inciting sectarian violence during the Arab uprisings. Based on an empirical study of how the most popular channels (Al-Jazeera Arabic and Al-Arabiya) and a competitive newcomer (Al-Mayadeen) have frame
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d seminal events involving violence between sects in Syria and Iraq, the report finds that while often geo-politically charged, some of these claims are valid. While abusive language and direct promotion of violence are rare in a mainstream context, incitement to sectarian violence has been invoked primarily through linguistic and thematic tropes that forge legitimacy claims and narratives of victimhood. The paper draws on these findings to make recommendations for UK policymaker engagement with the Arab media." (Abstract)
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"The findings of this research show that Syrians, regardless of the party in power in the area in which they reside, have a shared definition of independent media. They define it as “unbiased”, “not favouring any side”, and “credible”. Syrian audiences involved in the research emerge as
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astute consumers who expect that the media deliver balanced reporting. In addition, media are expected to play a positive and constructive role in society. According to the Syrians interviewed, this is particularly needed regarding conflict resolution and accountability of the political actors. Moreover, Syrian (both audiences and journalists) express a need not only for crisis-related news, but also stories related to everyday life. Syrian media professionals have a long way to go to fulfil the high expectations Syrians have. From the in-depth interviews it is apparent that currently Syrians are very critical – and even negative – about the role and content of media organisations." (Executive summary)
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"This 2019 report pays special attention to social media and social media influencers even as it focuses heavily on news media. As always, we look at media use by platform and content while also honing in both generally and in detail on the use of the internet. As a member of the World Internet Proj
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ect based at the USC Annenberg School for Communication, we contribute to that global survey and are the sole source of Middle East regional data." (Introduction, page 6)
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"The year 2019 did not witness anything concrete and positive at the level of respecting media freedoms in Palestine and putting an end to violations against journalists/media outlets, as the Israeli occupation forces and authorities continued, at great frequency, to commit various types of violatio
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ns, especially physical assaults, as part of their endeavors to keep the field confined to their narration about their practices and policies towards the Palestinian people in Gaza Strip and West Bank, including the occupied city of Jerusalem. In addition to the violations of the Israeli occupation forces and authorities, the social media companies/networks started playing a major role in such violations. They represent a portal for the suppression of media freedoms and the fight against Palestinian content and narration, according to the vision and standards of the Israeli occupation state that reached understandings in this regard with Facebook Company. This resulted in closing about two hundred news sites, in this year, and a page belonging to Palestinian journalist claiming to «violate the standards of publishing». At the Palestinian level, particularly in the West Bank, the positive atmosphere and the satisfaction that accompanied the announcement of the new Palestinian government headed by Dr. Mohammad Ishtayya, since its inauguration in May 2019, and its commitment to protecting media freedoms, soon disappeared, after several months of tangible decline in the number of violations documented in the West Bank, reaching to almost zero. The decision of Ramallah Magistrate’s Court which ordered the closure of 49 websites according to the Cybercrime Law represents a severe setback to media freedoms. As to Gaza Strip, basically governed by Hamas, the situation there has witnessed an evident increase in the number of violations against media freedoms compared to the previous years, not to mention the lack of concern of the governing official authorities in the Strip in this regard." (Introduction)
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"Surveys conducted in 11 emerging and developing countries across four global regions [Mexico, Venezuela and Colombia; South Africa and Kenya; India, Vietnam and the Philippines; and Tunisia, Jordan and Lebanon] find that the vast majority of adults in these countries own – or have access to – a
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mobile phone of some kind. And these mobile phones are not simply basic devices with little more than voice and texting capacity: A median of 53% across these nations now have access to a smartphone capable of accessing the internet and running apps. In concert with this development, social media platforms and messaging apps – most notably, Facebook and WhatsApp – are widely used. Across the surveyed countries, a median of 64% use at least one of seven different social media sites or messaging apps. Indeed, smartphones and social media have melded so thoroughly that for many they go hand-in-hand. A median of 91% of smartphone users in these countries also use social media, while a median of 81% of social media users say they own or share a smartphone." (Page 4)
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"Strategic communications for the purpose of countering violent extremism have become widespread in recent years, especially given the communications revolution which has amplified the messages of violent extremists and those that wish to counter them. Despite this, there is little-to-no research wh
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ich collects message data and analyses its design in a systematic way. In this article, we collect data from 10 social media multi-message campaigns and undertake an exploratory analysis of their design using a methodology developed from Ingram’s “Linkage-based” framework for countering militant Islamist propaganda. Our findings include: a prevalence towards highlighting the atrocities of violent extremist groups rather than strategies which challenge their competence; a priority to messages which seize the narrative agenda; differing emotional or rational pulls depending on the language in which the message is delivered; a range of different tactics employed depending on the target audience; as well as a wide range of deployments of different themes of positive and negative messages. We offer a number of possible explanations for these findings, before undertaking a cluster analysis of the data to aid the construction of Weberian “ideal type” campaigns, which offer a contribution to the field for the purposes of future research and exposition." (Abstract)
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"Conflict in Yemen plays out along various fault lines—regional, sectarian, class, political, tribal, and ethnic—which are reflected in the hateful language employed on and offline to incite violence. The sectarian aspect of conflict in Yemen is relatively new, as prior to 2011, “religious coe
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xistence and intermingling was taken for granted by most Yemenis and seen as a normal feature of everyday life.” But with the outbreak of conflict after the removal of President Ali Abdullah Saleh, “sectarian discourse has become more heated, reorganizing Yemeni society along sectarian lines and rearranging people’s relationships to one another on a non-nationalist basis.” Furthermore, the social and political dynamics in Yemen have fostered a permissive environment for hate speech. According to information gathered from a community meeting held in Sana’a in 2015, “many leaders have normalized and legitimized antagonistic, exclusionary rhetoric to consolidate their power and dehumanize their enemies.” In terms of access to online networks, despite a weak telecommunications sector relative to other Middle Eastern countries, an estimated 90 percent of the Yemeni population has access to the internet through mobile phones and, as of 2015, 93 percent of internet users are on Facebook and 92 percent utilize WhatsApp. The heavy saturation of these online communications networks highlights a growing need to understand and address the hate speech being spread within Yemen’s complex context. PeaceTech Lab’s work on hateful speech aims to identify and contextualize the particular terms and phrases that have the potential to lead to violence. This project identifies relevant terms through on-the-ground information gathering and examines their origins, context, and usages in a particular country environment. To successfully monitor and counter hateful speech, we must first identify specific terms and the social and political context that makes them offensive, inflammatory, and potentially dangerous. The research also seeks to identify alternative terms that might be used to mitigate or replace this language and thereby contribute to building peace. Finally, this report is intended as a resource for individuals and organizations involved in monitoring and combatting hateful speech as well as those involved in conflict prevention and mitigation so that their work can be more effective." (Introduction)
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"PeaceTech Lab’s work on hate speech aims to identify and contextualize the particular types of language that are likely to cause violence. This project identifies relevant terms through on-theground information gathering and examines their origins, background context, and use in a particular coun
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try environment. To successfully monitor and counter hateful speech, we must first identify specific terms and the social and political context that makes them offensive, inflammatory, or even potentially dangerous. The research also seeks to identify alternative terms that would mitigate or replace this language and thereby contribute to building peace. Finally, this report is intended as a resource for individuals and organizations involved in monitoring and combatting hateful speech so that their work can be more effective." (Introduction)
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"This book investigates ways in which global media coverage of conflicts affects the worldviews of the social and cultural values of nationals from the war regions. It identifies the cultural patterns in remote communities that have been 'diluted' by IT and the extent to which the changes impacted t
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he values of the indigenes. It also describes the role that IT especially social media and broadcast media play in the understanding of war among residents in highly wired and remote communities, respectively." (Publisher description)
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