"Forcibly displaced people often face restrictive migration policies and stereotypical discourses. Therefore, this study analyzes UNHCR's public communication strategies towards the Syrian and Central African crises. Through a comparative-synchronic multimodal critical discourse analysis (MCDA) of U
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NHCR's (international) press releases (N = 28), news stories (N = 233), photos (N = 462) and videos (N = 50) of 2015, we examined its main representation and argumentation strategies. First, we found that UNHCR primarily represents forcibly displaced people in its press releases and news as victimized and/or voiceless masses, reproducing humanitarian savior and deservingness logics. However, stories, photos, and videos frequently portray them also as empowered individuals. This can be partially explained by media logics and political and private sector discourses and agenda-building opportunities. Moreover, UNHCR mainly voices pity-based and post-humanitarian Self-oriented solidarity discourses, and links protection to states’ (perceived) interests. Finally, these discursive strategies respond to dominant migration management paradigms and the increasingly neoliberalized, political realist international refugee regime (IRR)." (Abstract)
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"This article delves into the Syrian Female Journalists Network’s (SFJN) approach to decolonise knowledge production, focusing on a multifaceted deconstructive framework. Through an examination of our analytic and deconstructive process of media language and discourse, our methodology centres on i
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dentifying and challenging prevailing patriarchal and colonial power dynamics and binaries within language, particularly in the Syrian media context. Furthermore, our article addresses the transformative role of language in collectively contesting colonial structures through translation and meaningmaking processes. Additionally, the article underscores the utilisation of self-identification as a feminist decolonial strategy, emphasising its role in dismantling fixed identity categories and amplifying marginalised voices. Furthermore, it highlights the significance of accountability towards targeted communities by fostering inclusivity, securing access to knowledge, and validating diverse perspectives. Ultimately, this article offers an insight into SFJN’s nuanced approach of decolonising knowledge." (Abstract)
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"The purpose of this study is twofold: to understand how the Lebanese public consumes news published on traditional and alternative media, with a focus on how they perceive and deal with disinformation campaigns and fake news, and to build a comprehensive view of the organizations and initiatives th
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at are working on mis/disinformation in Lebanon since 2019. Understanding the media landscape and media consumption in Lebanon will inform future interventions on disinformation. The first part of the report examines the media landscape vis-à-vis the legal framework that governs broadcast and print media. It also offers a glimpse of news consumption behaviors in Lebanese society and discusses disinformation narratives that emerged around major events that have occurred in the last three years. The report will showcase how disinformation thrives in critical moments and provide analysis on the different factors that contribute to the surge in disinformation. The second part of the report presents the findings from the mapping that the Samir Kassir Foundation (SKF) conducted on initiatives and organizations that target mis/disinformation in Lebanon. This section also provides an assessment of some projects that were implemented in the last three years." (Executive summary)
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"This edited book expands the applicability of peace journalism research beyond war to cover terrorism and radicalization, an issue that has not yet been touched by peace journalism scholars." (Publisher description)
"Lebanon and Tunisia are two of the freest countries in the Middle East and North Africa, but elites in both countries seek to manipulate media organisations and individual journalists to shore up support for themselves and attack opponents. This book explores the political role of journalism in the
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se hybrid settings where democratic and authoritarian practices co-exist - a growing trend all over the world. Through interviews with journalists in different positions and analyses of key events in recent years, Journalism in the Grey Zone explains the tensions that media instrumentalisation creates in the news media and how journalists navigate conflicting pressures from powerholders and a marginalised populace. Despite 'capture' of the media by political and economic actors, journalism remains a powerful and occasionally disruptive force." (Publisher description)
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"L'information economique et sociale occupe la 3eme position des rubriques favorites, derriere le sport et la sante (la 5e pour les femmes). 65% des sondes declarent la suivre mais seulement 5% des 18-24 ans la suivent « regulierement ». 34 % des 18-24 ans n'ont recours a aucun des medias traditio
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nnels pour la suivre. Les medias traditionnels (76 %) sont talonnes par les reseaux sociaux (61 %) mais sont deja depasses parmi les categories socio-professionnelles les moins precaires et chez les 18-34 ans. Le mode de traitement des medias traditionnels releve dans plus d'un cas sur deux d'un journalisme « assis » de compte-rendu. 15 % des repondants suivent les publications d'un « influenceur » economique ou social sur les reseaux sociaux. 96,5 % des repondants privilegient des contenus en arabe. 70 % des Tunisien.ne.s ne sont pas satisfaits des contenus ; 87 % estiment que les themes n'ont rien a voir avec leur vie quotidienne et 64 % que le traitement n'est pas clair et difficile a comprendre. Les journalistes economiques et sociaux sont consideres comme dependants du pouvoir politique (47 %) et de l'argent (46 %). 2,5 % des repondants declarent ecrire des contributions sur ce theme sur les reseaux sociaux (et 7 % chez les plus de 55 ans)." (L'étude en 10 chiffre clés, page 16)
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"The Palgrave Handbook of Gender, Media and Communication in the Middle East and North Africa stands as an authoritative and up-to-date resource on the critical debates, research methods and ongoing reflections on how gender and communication intersect with the economic, social, political, and cultu
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ral fabrics of the countries in the MENA region. The handbook comprises thirty chapters written by both established and rising scholars of gender, media, and digital technologies, and will rely on fresh data which seeks to capture the dynamic and complex realities of MENA societies, as well as the tensions and contradictions in the politics of gender and uses of communication technologies. The Handbook is split into six sections: Gender, Identities and Sexualities; The Gender of Politics; Gender and Activism; Gender-Based Violence; Gender and Entrepreneurship; and Gender in Expressive Cultures." (Publisher description)
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"Over a decade ago, the 2011 Arab Spring uprisings erupted in six Arab countries. They were accompanied, initially, by high hopes for democratic transformation and reform (Lynch, 2012). These hopes and aspirations also included widening the margin of freedom of expression in general and press freedo
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m in particular (El Tantawy & Wiest, 2011). However, these Arab Spring countries ultimately suffered from serious challenges which negatively impacted their transition to democratization and political reform, leading to an escalating wave of authoritarianism, which worsened significantly amid the Covid-19 pandemic (Khamis, 2020a, 2020b). This chapter investigates the myriad factors impacting journalistic practices in the Arab world in the post–Arab Spring and post-Covid-19 era, with a special focus on the multiple effects and far-reaching implications on both legacy media and citizen journalism. It pays special attention to the phenomenon of journalistic resistance from the diaspora (Khamis & Fowler, 2020) and the gender-based challenges impacting Arab women journalists, in particular, as a result of these intertwined and complex set of factors (Khamis & El-Ibiary, 2022), Finally, it highlights some of the resistance mechanisms which are deployed by Arab journalists to push back against the multilayered and multifaceted constraints which are imposed on them by their autocratic regimes, politically, economically, legally, and professionally." (Abstract)
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"This book analyses the marketing techniques that terrorist organisations employ to encourage people to adopt their ideology and become devoted supporters. The book's central thesis is that due to the development of digital technologies and social media, terrorist groups are employing innovative mar
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keting techniques and advertising strategies to foster an emotional connection with their audiences, particularly those in younger demographics. By conducting thematic and narrative analyses of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) propagandist magazines, as well as looking at the group's online communities, the book demonstrates that terrorist groups behave as commercial brands by establishing an emotional connection with their potential recruits. Specifically, groups and their potential supporters follow the logic of emotional choice. The book emphasizes that while ISIS became the first group that discovered and benefited from the power of marketing, it did not have a supernatural power and thus it is possible to find a response to it, which is particularly important now. The book eventually poses a question about whether terrorism has become the product of marketing in the same way as any mainstream consumer product is, and asks what can we do to battle the appeal of marketing-savvy terrorist groups." (Publisher description)
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"Who owns the media and communications in Africa today and with what implications? The book elegantly answers this urgent question by unpacking multiple dimensions of media ownership through rare and authoritative perspectives, including both historical and contemporary digital developments. It trac
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es the evolving forms of ownership of media and communications in specific African contexts, showing how they interact with broader changes in and outside the continent. The book also shows how Big Techs, such as Meta (formerly known as Facebook), are involved in a scramble for Africa’s digital ecosystem and how their advance brings both opportunities and concerns about ownership and control. The chapters analyse evolving forms of ownership and their implications on media concentration and democracy across Africa. The book offers a nuanced account of how media ownership structures are in some instances captured with an ever-growing and complex ecosystem that also has new opportunities for public interest media. Offering a significant representation of the trends and diversity of existing media systems, the book goes beyond the postcolonial geographical divisions of North and Sub-Saharan Africa to highlight common patterns and significant similarities and differences of communications ownerships between and within African countries. The contributors expose media and communications ownership patterns in Africa that are centralised and yet decentralising and in some cases, battling, resurging and globalising." (Publisher description)
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"Rather than viewing the Middle East as a monolithic culture, this Handbook examines the diverse and multi-local characteristics of the region’s knowledge production, dynamic media, and rich cultures. It addresses a wide range of topics, including the evolving mainstream and alternative media, com
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peting histories in the region, and pressing socio-economic and media debates. Additionally, the Handbook explores the impact of regional and international politics on Middle Eastern cultures and media." (Publisher description)
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"Drawing on dozens of articles penned by Arab media professionals and scholars, supplemented with informal conversations with journalists, this book reviews the historical development of digital journalism in the region and individual journalists’ perceptions of this development. While technology
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has provided a new platform for citizens and powerful agents to exchange views, this text examines how it has simultaneously allowed Arab states and authorities to conduct surveillance on journalists, curtail the rise of citizen journalism, and maintain offline hierarchal forms of political, economic, and cultural powers. Mellor also explores how digital technology serves to cement Western hegemony of the information world order, with Arab media organisations and audiences judged to be mere recipients, rather than producers, of such information." (Publisher description)
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"Journalists in Egypt and the UAE have been differently challenged by the COVID-19 situation at multiple levels, (1) individual (2) work/routines and (3) media/organizational while covering COVID-19. Using the hierarchy of influences model, we analyze the differentiated journalists’ role conceptio
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ns, perceived performance, and challenges they faced in covering COVID-19, and how that affect their performance, as Global South-based journalists. Applying a mixed method approach, we conducted in-depth interviews with 20 journalists who reported COVID-19, representing different media platforms, as a part of the Global Risk Journalism Hub project. We also surveyed journalists (n= 102) from both countries, as a part of the Journalistic Role Performance project. Findings revealed that media-organizational level challenges influenced journalists more than other levels. Journalists also shifted from the Civic Role Conception to performing the Loyal-Facilitator Role followed by the Interventionist Role during the pandemic." (Abstract)
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"This paper focuses on the (in)direct tools of governmental bureaucracy used to control journalistic work in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI). It calls for understanding media capture not only through structural-level consequences, but also through the methods used to create an environment of inst
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ability and unsafety. To make sense of these processes, and how they are experienced and negotiated by journalists, this paper combines scholarship on the emotional labor of journalism with scholarship on processes of media capture in deeply restrictive environments. The mixed-methods approach aims first to uncover structural conditions of media capture in the KRI through a document analysis of 21 public reports published by the Kurdistan Journalists’ Syndicate (KJS) and the Metro Center for Journalists’ Rights and Advocacy (MC) between 2014 and 2020. Second, it aims to reveal how journalists and editors-in-chief from diverse media organizations manage and negotiate these chronic conditions of precarity and instability, through 15 semi-structured in-depth interviews. The results show multiple strategies that have been developed by journalists and editors to mitigate or acclimate direct and indirect bureaucratic violence (e.g., editorial support, socialization skills and networks, understanding of unspoken and unwritten rules, etc.)." (Abstract)
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"The key findings suggest that Syrians continue to adopt social media and social messaging apps as the primary channels through which they access news. They appreciate the privacy of messaging apps for communication with friends and family, and check the credibility of news stories with friends, fam
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ily and other sources through these apps. In 2023, Syrians required news content about local issues, economic news and updates regarding basic services, all of which differed from the 2020 findings. Respondents also told us that they prioritise breaking news, and have minimal dependency on radio or print. They are adept at recognising partisan media and prefer news from familiar, credible media that are free from political bias. They have average levels of trust in most local, regional and international media, with very little differentiation between the most trusted and least trusted (only 10% difference). Residents of Ar-Raqqa have some of the lowest levels of trust across media providers. Syrians have medium/mixed levels of trust in a wide range of online and offline news and information sources, including independent media Over 74% of the survey respondents reported that they trust news that they receive on social media from friends and family." (Executive summary, page 1-2)
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"This article analyses the role that Reality TV can play in the lives of young participants, when a programme is designed as a strategic intervention to achieve change. With roots in Communication for Development notions, this study brings together different theoretical fields to illustrate how medi
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a can be created with the intent of enhancing young people’s awareness of the important role they can play in society through targeted activities that occur during media production. The experience of the young contestants from The President TV show, broadcast in the Palestinian Territories in 2013 and 2015, is examined. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with some of the finalists of the show; information gathered has been analysed in the light of a framework that brings together media participation and civic engagement. Findings show how the format and structure of the programme has enhanced participants’ understanding of the social, political and economic spheres of a conflict-affected reality, contributing to their engagement with peace-oriented civic practices long after the end of the show." (Abstract)
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"This edited book based on a collective effort of researchers and professionals dedicated to compile the stories of children's television around the world. With 12 national chapters, the book includes historical accounts of children's television from the following countries: Australia, Brazil, Canad
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a, China, Ecuador, Germany, India, Israel, Italy, Kenia, Netherlands and USA. It provides an exploration of each individual country, revealing striking similarities and differences, discussed in depth in the final chapter. Looking at the global field through local eyes--its main texts and active players (broadcasters, producers and creators, as well as regulators and policy makers), their ideologies, financial prospects and perceptions of childhood--offers a macro-level evaluation of an entire cultural field." (Publisher description)
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