Focuses on three key written products: the policy brief, the research brief and the story of change.
Examines the impact that the rise of digital communications is having on the media, and on human rights activism. The report goes on to explore the main policy issues which must be addressed at the national and international levels to shape an enabling environment. The report combines global level a
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nalysis with a specific focus on eight countries: Argentina, Brazil, Egypt, Kenya, India, Indonesia, South Africa and the United States of America.
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"This interdisciplinary article weaves together journalistic practice with psychological testing to explore whether ideas about the framing of news to contribute to peace actually make any difference to consumers, both cognitively and emotionally. Hence, the first half considers the historical backg
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round in the Philippines that has shaped how news producers and consumers make meaning. Rather than running a laboratory-based study, researchers worked in the field, in the TV newsroom of Davao-based ABS-CBN, utilizing material already broadcast. This material could be defined as “war journalism,” thus enabling it to be reframed as “peace journalism." (Introduction)
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"The paper looks at how journalists and press councils in two very different media systems in the same region – Indonesia and Malaysia – have addressed the question of journalism ethics in the face of a changing media environment. The Indonesian Press Council, set up within the move to democracy
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in Indonesia, which – although a statutory council – works independently of government has recently been dealing with complaints from the public as well as criticisms from politicians about ethics on the Internet. Some internet coverage is being perceived as harmful and journalists and the press council find themselves having to strike a balance between concerns expressed and issues of free expression. In Malaysia, several internet-only based news-sites have been at the forefront of pushing restrictions on press freedom in the country. At the same time, there is concern expressed about excesses on the Internet. The paper compares these two on-going developments. It includes interviews with journalists from both countries. It will draw conclusions on what type of self-regulatory structure is best placed to deal with new media ethics in new or emerging democracies in South-East Asia while also addressing problems of transferring structures from one media systems to another." (Abstract)
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"Vietnam gilt als der letzte Krieg, aus dem frei und unbehindert berichtet werden konnte, und in dem sich Journalisten und Militärs gleichberechtigt gegenüber standen. Diese Sicht wurde zwar von der Forschung weitgehend widerlegt, zumeist jedoch bezogen auf die Spätphase des Krieges sowie speziel
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l auf das Medium Fernsehen. Dessen ungeachtet genießen die Reporter der »Vietnam-Generation« weiterhin hohes Ansehen. Die Vorstellung, sie hätten den Grundstein für einen beispiellosen Triumph des Journalismus gelegt, fußt wesentlich auf generationellen Selbstzuschreibungen der Berichterstatter: »It started in Vietnam and ended in Watergate«, sagte David Halberstam, und sah sich und seine Kollegen als »front men for a whole generation«. Der Vietnam-Mythos von einer kritischen und einflussreichen Berichterstattung ist bis heute - scheinbar losgelöst von wissenschaftlichen Forschungen - sowohl in das Rollenverständnis von Journalisten wie in jenes von Politikern und Militärs eingeschrieben. Während Politiker und Militärs »Vietnam« instrumentalisieren, um Medien zu disziplinieren, ziehen Journalisten daraus ihr professionelles Selbstvertrauen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Is there a dynamic correspondence between the unfolding of media narratives about conflict and how that conflict plays out on the ground? In particular, can this question be applied productively to the Maluku wars, an outbreak of religious violence at the end of Indonesia’s long developmentalist
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epoch (1966-1998)? This paper argues that far from being disinterested purveyors of unproblematic truths, media workers are implicated in the creation and spread of ideas and images that shape the political discourses which exacerbate violent conflict. Its method is discourse analysis of a canon of journalism that reported the conflict in its first few years. Despite their papers’ diverse origins, news reporters from both metropolitan dailies under study – Kompas and Republika – employed storytelling conventions that produced ‘primordialist’ readings of this violence. This textual strategy on top of an analytic failure to track shifting power relations between political elites in Jakarta and Maluku did nothing to assist a negotiated peace and may have contributed to the war’s significant escalation." (Abstract)
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"In the case of contemporary Buddhism, we have seen how fundamentalism and democracy are connected to each other, and also how the public sphere, mediated by the new technology of the internet, has a role to play in these relations. We have seen how groups such as the 'Santi Asoke' are succeeding de
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spite the absence of any support from the political authorities, and how this has made the traditional Buddhist establishment feel insecure. According to Marty and Appleby, fundamentalism is understood as an attempt to divide 'us' from 'them' through shared traditions and beliefs. In the case of Thailand, this divisive attitude is a modern phenomenon arising from dissatisfaction with the contemporary economy and with globalisation, which appear threatening to the most conservative members of the Sangha. In this sense, it is ironic that the austere and anti-capitalist Sanrti Asoke is less fundamentalist than the traditional Buddhist establishment." (Conclusion, page 233-234)
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"This study examines the place of new media in the maintance of Burmese diasporic identities. Political oppression in Burma, the experience of exile and the importance of opposition movements in the borderlands make the Burmese diaspora a unique and complex group. This study uses tapoetethakot, an i
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ndigenous Karen research methodology, to explore aspects of new media use and identity among a group of Burmese refugees in Auckland, New Zealand. Common among all participants was a twin desire to share stories of suffering and to have that pain recognised. Participants in this project try to maintain their language and cultural practices, with the intent of returning to a democratic Burma in the future. New media supports this, by providing participants with access to opposition news reports of human rights abuses and suffering; through making cultural and linguistic artifacts accessible, and through providing an easy means of communication with friends and family in Burma and the borderlands." (Abstract)
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"The starting point of PPTRP has been that real and lasting transparency and accountability are best built from the ground up piece by piece and by ordinary people taking their responsibilities as citizens seriously. It is one of the reasons we subtitled the project and website “Pera Natin ‘to!
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(It’s Our Money!). We wanted to help build public ownership in the issue. Our concern was – and remains still today – that changes introduced at the top by one administration – can so easily be taken away by another unless that change is deeply rooted in the ground and in its people. So we believed- and still believe – that real sustainable change in governance comes only from active and continual participation of citizens. It needs action and engagement at both the national and local level. It needs groups, sectors and communities finding new ways of coming and working together to develop new ideas and build new constituencies and avenues for change. It needs to involve and energise all those hundreds of thousands of honest and professional civil servants across the country who for way too long have quietly despaired going to work each day given the failure of leadership in their own departments and agencies.
All this required and still requires a combined response that uses new thinking and approaches. It required first and foremost the start of a public literacy campaign around public finances since citizens cannot ever hope to adequately monitor or engage in things that they don’t understand. So it was that we built our project equally around information, education, training, capacity building, networking, advocacy and campaigns. So it was that we worked with people’s organizations, civil society groups, media and ordinary members of the public at one and the same time. We figured that everybody had a role to play in building and securing transparency and accountability – and so everybody should get involved.
We started work on a website full of the basics – (www.transparencyreporting.net) accessible and easy to understand information about all aspects of public finance. We assumed little – partly because we knew little ourselves and were learning on the job as we went. We wrote, commissioned and edited material designed to give readers a sense of understanding about how public finances, systems and cycles worked and what kind of issues and problems there were. We tried to identify how and where money was raised and how it was allocated and spent and why and by whom. Invariably it comes down to money. If you can follow the money, you can find the problems and perhaps even help suggest some solutions.
We developed training modules too – modules aimed equally at journalists and activists and ordinary members of the public. And we toured around the Philippines going north and as far south as Tawi-Tawi where we were told few groups ever venture. We encouraged people to report allegations of corruption – but equally we sought out instances of where government was working well and deserved highlighting. It is easy to be negative – but far better to be critically constructive. We received many more allegations than we could investigate – in large part because sources were scared even to follow up and meet with us in confidence. Protection for whistle-blowers remains very much a pressing issue today that needs sorting ...
While all projects must by necessity always remain above the political fray, we were naturally delighted that as things turned out, the new incoming administration made improving transparency and accountability a primary goal. When an initiative finds itself working in support of government policy, it is always easier. So we were delighted to see the issue of political abuse of public projects taken up as were the appointment of some leading proponents of open government to key positions in the administration. We were very fortunate also for the chance to work closely with officials in several key departments and on various initiatives linked to the national budget.
[...] Perhaps one key achievement we might be remembered for, alongside the website which will remain as hopefully a useful resource for those wanting to learn more about public sector finances -- is having set up four local citizen watchdog groups that demonstrate how easy and important it is for ordinary people to get involved and play their part. We hope more groups can follow their lead. People power needs to be much more than a slogan and become a way of life." (Introduction, page 16-19)
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"AMIC undertook a research project to assess the economic viability of the Tambuli model in the Philippines after 15 years of its introduction. This book documents the opinions and the perspectives of many stakeholders in the community radio sector. It reflects both the success stories and barriers
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facing the community radio in the Philippines." (Synopsis AMIC website)
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"This book documents the researcher's effort to gain insights on how Thailand's public broadcaster Thai Public Broadcasting Service strategised its civil-society strengthening mechanisms, including creating a television programme called 'TV Jor Nuer', that is produced by and for the citizen journali
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sts. The contents of the programme reflect the needs and tastes of viewers across the 17 northern provinces of Thailand. Research statistics were compiled and analysed in all perspectives to build a database that would explain the model that TV Thai uses to strengthen civic consciousness among its viewers to enhance the station's public broadcasting service function. The book serves as a useful reference for public broadcasters, especially those in the Asia-Pacific region, who wish to engage civil participation to produce content that serves its nation and reflects the needs of its citizens." (Synopsis at AMIC website, 15.12.2011)
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