"SAEF’s major finding in Malawi was that although the media had covered the entire election process fairly well, it had failed to give equitable coverage to all three parts of the elections – presidential, parliamentary and local government. The press gave 40% coverage to the presidential race,
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11% to the parliamentary one and 1% to local government elections, according to research done by the Media Monitoring Project of the US funded Institute for War and Peace Reporting (IWPR). The state broadcaster, the Malawi Broadcasting Corporation (MBC) performed poorly at first in that it gave 90% coverage to the ruling Peoples’ Party and the incumbent President, Dr Joyce Banda and only 10% to opposition parties. Only after complaints were lodged with Government through the Minister of Information did the figure of 90% drop to 70%." (Executive summary)
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"Feature phone users are significantly more likely to use the Internet almost as much radio and TV for news and information. This is not an either/or set of choices but the Internet is part of the range of media they use. Internet is in second position in Nigeria, third position in Ethiopia and Keny
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a; fourth position in Ghana and fifth position in South Africa. This is behind TV, radio and sometimes friends and family. Social media was used by around two-thirds of respondents or slightly less in all countries except Ethiopia. A quarter to a third of all respondents obtained information using the Internet from NGOs." (Summary, page 6)
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"This policy briefing offers an empirical contribution to evolving thinking on governance within the international development landscape. Using the example of media, we argue that interventions designed to foster demand-based accountability may not be as successful in some fragile settings as more d
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iscursive platforms that aim to tackle problem-solving collectively. The paper thus underscores the need for locally embedded approaches to governance support that are both adaptive and reflective." (Conclusions)
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"Even as a growing number of authoritarian regimes crack down on the political press, business news is thriving. And the coverage is more vigorous than might be expected. Enterprising journalists are exposing mismanagement and unearthing shady business deals, and — even at times exposing official
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corruption — that otherwise might never see the light of day. While other journalists face censorship, jail, or worse, business journalists are eschewing political stories to provide news and statistics on markets, business deals, and international trade. The expansion of economic and business journalism is not a substitute for truly free and independent media. But it is a sign that — even in the most repressive environments — the demand for trustworthy information is strong and growing. And the demand comes not just from investors and citizens trying to keep track of what's going on in these fast-changing markets, but also from governments, who themselves rely on the press for up-to-date information." (Page 1)
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"Se quisermos caracterizar o perfil das fontes à s quais os jornalistas recorreram, poder-se-á dizer que esta é masculina, oficial e com fala desenraizada de um lugar geográfico especÃfico – portanto, de nÃvel nacional. É o caso do ministro da Saude, Alexandre Manguele, que é uma fonte reco
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rrente nas notÃcias por nós analisadas no contexto da greve dos médicos. Observouse também que predominam as fontes oficiais, devido à utilização de comunicados e notas de imprensa emitidos pela Direcção Nacional de Saúde sobre a crise dos medicamentos. O facto de os jornais públicos analisados construÃrem as notÃcias sobre a greve dos médicos e a crise dos medicamentos com base em comunicados de imprensa e fontes oficiais, faz com que haja uma replicação do conteúdo dos textos noticiosos de um meio de comunicação para outro. A falta de especialização nas redações e a escassez de tempo podem justificar a confiança dos jornalistas em informação pronta a publicar, previamente preparada por entidades oficiais ou gabinetes de assessoria e relações públicas." (Página 30)
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"Education and language skills are the main factors that influence which platform women access most frequently. Daily TV use is similar for men and women but women tend to lag men in frequent radio and internet use. Once a country reaches a critical mass in mobile penetration, gaps between both male
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and female ownership levels decrease. The largest gaps exist in countries that are still developing mobile capacity." (Summary, page 35)
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"The highly debated Protection of State Information Bill (POSIB) in South Africa represents the first attempt of a sub-Saharan African country to create security legislation which is not based on Colonial law. It can be assumed that this law will have a significant impact on similar legislative refo
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rm processes in neighbouring countries, as South Africa acts as a role model." (KAS website, 21.5.2014)
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"The system of self-regulation for the press was subject to contentious debates in South Africa from 2010 to 2012. The Press Council of South Africa and the accountability mechanism for the press (self-regulation) underwent two separate processes of review during this period, subsequently altering t
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he procedures of the press complaints body to some degree, and replacing the selfregulatory system with one of independent co-regulation. A significant change to the system, in January 2013, was the introduction of the allowance of third-party complaints. In an environment of increasing perceived threats to press freedom from government, and acknowledging the low public profile of the press accountability body, the introduction of third-party complaints enables the raising of public awareness about the purpose of the Press Council of South Africa and its relationship to the defence of press freedom, in a format which was not previously possible." (Abstract)
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"In a rapidly changing civil-political and socio-economic environment, the internet has emerged as one of the primary mechanisms that influence and continue to redefine the practice of democracy. Internet freedom is therefore an increasingly important safeguard towards advancing not only freedom of
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expression but the broader issues concerning access to information but also its associated rights. This module highlights the evolving exercise of free of expression in a digital world and how this has an influence on open, accountable and sustainable democracy in South Africa." (Preface)
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"This study identifies and critically analyses the major imperial (global and regional) political and economic factors and decisions that influenced and shaped the development of pre-independence radio broadcasting in the Bechuanaland Protectorate. With little or no consideration of the needs of the
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local population, two duelling imperialist powers – Great Britain and the Union of South Africa – negotiated, disagreed, and eventually virtually co- established a centralised, administrative radio network that reflected their own regional ambitions. Based primarily on key official British Protectorate, High Commission and Union government documents obtained from extensive archival research in the Botswana National Archives, a detailed picture emerges of two duelling imperial powers planning for their own divergent regional futures, via the establishment of administrative and political dimensions of radio policies, for a territory which both wished to control for their own purposes. Once Britain had decided against allowing South Africa's annexation of Bechuanaland, radio politics and policies fell more into line with those in other British colonial African and Asian territories, primarily managing perceived anti-colonial nationalist challenges and deterring the perceived threats posed by apartheid- and Cold War-inspired communist influences." (Abstract)
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"This article highlights how one online news organisation in the global south, with no more than three staff and no foreign correspondents, strategically used multiple wire service feeds to successfully cover a significant story more comprehensively than its better-endowed co-owner. It compares the
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timeliness and comprehensiveness of coverage of this century's first genocide in Darfur, Sudan, by the United Kingdom's Guardian (UKG) and its co-owned South African Mail & Guardian Online (MGO). Despite the 3 000 miles distance between Darfur and Johannesburg, its lack of foreign reporters and few staff, the MGO covered the Darfur crisis earlier, with better attention to detail and specifics. The MGO staff expressed surprise at their more comprehensive coverage, and credited the clarity that came from their primary gatekeeping focus on Africa as the reason." (Abstract)
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"This article focuses on the psycho-social dimension of the diaspora through an examination of the online news consumption practices of the Zimbabwean diaspora. The objective is to contribute on theoretical debates about the way in which the diaspora imagine their citizenship in the digital age. Dat
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a were elicited through an open-ended questionnaire e-mailed to Zimbabweans in the diaspora selected using the snowball sampling method. In addition, in-depth interviews with five of the respondents based in South Africa were also held to complement the survey data. The article argues that Zimbabwean diaspora use online newspapers to assert their membership to the Zimbabwean political community. This active information-seeking disposition of the diaspora is an affirmation of their loyalty to the homeland regardless of the social, economic and political reality in the homeland. The symbolic assertion of transnational loyalty by the Zimbabwean diaspora to the homeland could be viewed as a performance of patriotic citizenship through seeking of collective identification around the nation state." (Abstract)
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"To better understand who participates in media-driven public discussion and opinion-making, this working paper presents the results of a randomised household survey implemented in four constituencies in Kenya and Zambia, one urban and one rural constituency in each country. The survey was conducted
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as part of Politics and Interactive Media in Africa (PiMA), a collaborative research project analysing the nature and political implications of expressions of public opinion in broadcast media in Kenya and Zambia, via new information and communication technologies (ICT) such as mobile phones. This paper presents descriptive survey results that are the basis of a deeper comparative analysis of drivers of listenership and participation in interactive broadcast media shows, also published in the PiMA Working Paper series. Nevertheless, a few results are highlighted here. The survey reveals that level of radio listenership of interactive shows in the two Kenyan constituencies is high, particularly in Kenya, ranging between 80-90%, whereas in Zambia listenership levels range between 40-60%, contrasting with listenership to radio shows generally (70-85%). Radio listeners tend to listen to all types of shows, from politics and development shows to social/cultural and music/entertainment shows. Yet country differences in interactive show listenership are not reflected in the levels of participation in interactive radio shows. Both in Kenya and in Zambia, roughly 20% of the total population have participated at one time or another in interactive shows. However, contrasting with listenership, participation tends to be more segmented across types of shows. Rural and urban constituencies show an inverse pattern of participation in Kenya and Zambia, with higher levels of participation in the urban sample from Zambia (21% versus 12% in the rural), and the rural sample from Kenya (21% versus 19% in the urban). Across the four sites, male and more educated listeners are more likely to engage interactive shows. Three to four times more men engage in interactive shows than women. Of the women who participate in interactive shows, they tend to be younger, single, more educated and wealthier compared with those who do not participate. Calling in to the studio is the most frequent form of engagement in radio shows, especially in rural areas. SMS is more popular in urban constituencies, particularly in Kenya. Only 10% of those who have participated in interactive media shows have ever used social media to communicate with stations. Across all sites, the main barriers to participation identified are cost and expectations of not getting through." (Abstract and introduction, page 4)
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