"[...] Explores the role played by local-nationals in covering the crisis for global audiences and how these journalists differed from the traditional, Western-born foreign correspondents who worked alongside them. The research draws on two methods: in-depth, semi-structured interviews with foreign
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correspondents in Khartoum, Sudan; and a content analysis of the news articles they produced. The results show that Sudanese journalists differed from Western foreign correspondents in a number of important ways. They worked in greater fear of the government of Sudan, and they had a different understanding of their role as journalists which, importantly, did not include a strong sense of their work as 'watchdog journalism'. The content analysis confirms that these differences matter; local stringers produced news that was significantly less critical in tone, presented fewer competing viewpoints, and privileged the government of Sudan's position." (Executive summary)
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"This report provides the results of an evaluation of a CRS adult education program and a mobile phone-based adult education pilot program in Niger. The study found that students in the villages where the pilot project was carried out used mobile phones more frequently and in more “active” ways,
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particularly by making calls and writing texts, which require more advanced letter and number recognition than for simply receiving calls. Students also had higher math scores after the program was over." (www.crs.org)
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"In democracies with adjectives, the freedom of press also comes with adjectives." If the political regime is situated between a pure democracy and despotism, the freedom of press is also stuck in an in-between-situation. This statement sums up the results of Marie Soleil Frères empirical analysis
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of the role of media in reporting the election processes in six central African countries (Burundi, Central African Republic, Congo, DRC, Rwanda and Chad) with a long history of violent conflict. By carving out nine major obstacles of the role of media in these elections from the role of the parties' campaign strategies to the dangerous liaison between media and politics, the book describes how and why their role became problematic, and different from the democracy tool kit of international donors. This may not be a new subject, and most of the findings are familiar to readers with an interest in African media. But the empirical rigor and the in-depth analysis of the cases makes the book a good read and a starting point for a new debate on media support in African election processes." (commbox)
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This publication outlines four communication approaches used by United Nations organizations: (i) behaviour change communication; (ii) communication for social change; (iii) communication for advocacy; and (iv) strengthening an enabling media and communications environment. The second part provides
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an in-depth exploration of Communication for Development efforts within seven United Nations agencies, programmes and funds: FAO, ILO, UNAIDS, UNDP, UNESCO, UNICEF and WHO, followed by case studies that demonstrate C4D in practice either as part of a larger project or as a ‘stand alone’ project contributing to the strategic objectives of the organization.
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"By assessing edutainment as a space of cultural translation, Drama for Development advances an often neglected perspective in this topics' research. It focuses on what happens when various goals, worldviews and needs from donors, producers and the audiences come together in the production and meani
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ng construction of soap operas. The perspective is illustrated by examples from the largely South Asian experiences of the BBC World Service Trust, itself seen as a cross-cultural contact zone. Tensions between western scientific paradigm and local researcher in the audience research process (chapter 3), the cosmopolitan competencies of the production team in harmonizing the urge for authenticity, cultural sensitivity and development objectives (chapter 6) and the construction of social realism as an interplay of the observed realities of the audiences and the neo-liberal themes of donors (e.g., opium in ch.6 and forced marriage in chapter 11) exemplify some of the processes taking place in that zone. The epistemological position of the book is complementary to the more technical perspective of the existing body of literature, which sometimes fails to capture the complex processes of meaning construction and link it to the wider social context." (commbox)
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"Based on CommGAP’s interactions with the global anticorruption community as well as earlier research, we were able to collate 18 representative instances (case studies) from around the world, with real-life examples of citizens coming together to speak up against corruption and social norms vis-
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-vis corruption or to change public services affected by corrupt practices. This report is a “one-step-up” analysis of the collated case studies, which is intended to shed light on practical approaches, tools, and techniques that have been successful in bringing citizens together to stand against the daunting phenomenon of corruption." (Page 1)
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"Peace journalism finds its place in newspapers and magazines, on radio and television, in film and documentaries, in digital media and mainstream cultural events such as public exhibitions and debates. There are also transnational online communities like Avaaz.org, which is dedicated to organizing
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“citizens of all nations to close the gap between the world we have and the world most people everywhere want.” At the heart of the matter lies power. Excluding, invisibilizing, and marginalizing people facilitate all kinds of travesty and injustice. Including, making visible, and placing people at the centre of decision-making uphold their human rights. Thus, peace journalism falls squarely within the realm of the right to communicate – strengthening the ability of people and communities to make known their economic, political, social, and cultural aspirations and urging them to live in peace with one another." (Editorial, page 2)
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"This review set out to analyse the Windhoek Declaration and its significance. Central to this has been the recognition of how journalistic idealism runs throughout the history since 1991. Independence, pluralism and freedom as Windhoek values that nourish journalism are not ends in themselves, but
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essentials for the quality of democracy and development in Africa. Windhoek has meant historic movement beyond the previous commandist situation to an acceptance that a mediascape monopolised by state-owned and government-controlled enterprises does not provide for society’s needs. There has been extensive rise of commercial-private, and to an extent of community-based, media platforms since 1991. But this wonderful progress since then should not blind us to the data which show that the contextual environment for journalism has taken a turn for the worse since 2000. More effort is therefore needed to establish and maintain enduring systems for journalism to thrive. But if it is a case of two steps forward and one back, at least we are still facing forwards as regards journalism, and have not turned around to face backwards." (Pages 32-33)
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"Since the beginning of the 1970s, the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung has taken a holistic approach to its support of the media in its international and European cooperation efforts. What started as individual training projects for senior journalists and the support of communications studies in Latin Amer
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ica then became a range of activities within the regional media programme for Latin America at the beginning of the 1990s. The transnational approach was so successful from the start that the foundation started another media programme in Asia in 1996. The programmes in sub-Saharan Africa and in Southeast Europe followed in 2002 and 2007. Free and independent media are central to any democratic system. Promoting them is the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung’s mission and responsibility. We hope to contribute to ensuring that the media perform their role in the development and stabilisation of democracy worldwide, and live up to their political responsibility." (Foreword, page 3)
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"Popular Media, Democracy and Development in Africa examines the role that popular media could play to encourage political debate, provide information for development, or critique the very definitions of 'democracy' and 'development'. Drawing on diverse case studies from various regions of the Afric
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an continent, essays employ a range of theoretical and methodological approaches to ask critical questions about the potential of popular media to contribute to democratic culture, provide sites of resistance, or, conversely, act as agents for the spread of Americanized entertainment culture to the detriment of local traditions. A wide variety of media formats and platforms are discussed, ranging from radio and television to the Internet, mobile phones, street posters, film and music." (Publisher description)
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"Is it conceivable that there may be an autonomous evolution of digital publications in developing countries, entirely independent of the richest nations? What support policies could be implemented to promote the growth of this new industry and accompany traditional actors in the process of adapting
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to the changes involved? The digital experiences undertaken in the South suggest that new technologies represent a great opportunity for developing countries - particularly in terms of diffusion -, but on the condition that local entrepreneurs seek out original models adapted to the concrete needs of their communities." (Back cover)
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"What has been the state-of-play for African media in the 20 years since the historic Windhoek Declaration of 1991 which gave rise to World Press Freedom Day every 3 May? And what can be expected over the next decade? More than 70 commentators illuminate the trajectory in a range of contributions in
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this book - covering the issues of media freedom, pluralism, independence and access to information. Journalists’ safety, gendersensitive reporting, and the role of the Internet are amongst the topics covered. In a nutshell, progress has been made since 1991, but much remains to be achieved. There’s a grave danger that the momentum of media freedom is slowing and even reversing in many countries. Meanwhile, the rise of new communications technologies puts pressure on African journalists to live up to their ideals more than ever." (Back cover)
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