"In the on-going democratic debate, the Cameroonian media have not played the role of objective mediators. A one-party logic, of which government, opposition and the public are guilty, has prevented Cameroonian multipartyism from addressing the major issue: that of how best to bring about real parti
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cipatory democracy. So far, democracy has served mainly as a face powder, an empty concept or slogan devoid of concrete meaning used to justify reactionary propaganda by the ruling party and its acolytes on the one hand, and revolutionary propaganda by the opposition and some pressure groups on the other. This polarisation in the Cameroonian political arena corresponds to a similar polarisation in the Cameroonian media. One can identify two main political tendencies in the media: first, there are those who argue that all the government does is good and in the best interest of Cameroon, and that the radical opposition is void of patriots and motivated only by selfish, regional, or ethnic self-interests. These comprise the publicly owned, government-controlled electronic and print media on the one hand, and pro-government “privately” owned newspapers on the other. Second, there are those who claim that all the radical opposition does or stands for is in the best interest of Cameroon, and that the government and its allies are only motivated by a stubborn love of power and other selfish pursuits. These comprise the bulk of the privately owned papers. The media are polarised into two diametrically opposing camps, each claiming to know and represent the best interests of the Cameroonian people." (Publisher description)
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"Cyrus Farivar explores the Internet's history and effects in four distinct and, to some, surprising societies—Iran, Estonia, South Korea, and Senegal. He profiles Web pioneers in these countries and, at the same time, surveys the environments in which they each work [...] Skype was invented in Es
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tonia—the same country that developed a digital ID system and e-voting; Iran was the first country in the world to arrest a blogger, in 2003; South Korea is the most wired country on the planet, with faster and less expensive broadband than anywhere in the United States; Senegal may be one of sub-Saharan Africa's best chances for greater Internet access." (Back cover)
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"A radio station for Somalis, by Somalis and about Somalis went on air on 1 March 2010. Radio Bar-Kulan ('meeting place' in Somali) uses FM, short wave, satellite and the internet to ensure that access is available to all who want it. The history of the station has its roots in peacekeeping. The suc
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cess of another radio service [Radio Okapi in DRC] helped convince the people with money that perhaps Somalia needed similar treatment. Bar-Kulan is still very much a work in progress. It was born out of need and developed through compromise. I am a director of the implementing agency for Bar-Kulan and I cannot overemphasize the importance of radio in a society that is in conflict and is overwhelmingly oral." (Introduction)
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"The book provides a glimpse into how China has tried to tell its story to the world. The introduction chapter outlines the broader context for the examination of Chinese public diplomacy. It discusses some of the emerging themes concerning the spirit and practice of the country’s image-building e
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fforts. Chapter 2 provides an overview of the trends and developments in Chinese public diplomacy, and discusses how China’s authoritarian system has benefits as well as drawbacks for its soft power pursuits. In the next three chapters, we examine some of the major Chinese external propaganda and communication platforms, including Beijing Review, CCTV International (renamed CCTV News in April 2010), and government news conferences and spokespersons [...] Chapter 6 takes on a relatively new topic of the increasing role of Chinese corporations in the process of public diplomacy. It examines the complex interplay between corporate branding and nation branding in the example of a leading Chinese company’s corporate social responsibility engagement in Africa. The ensuing two chapters cover China’s image promotion related to the Beijing Olympics from two different vantage points. Chapter 7 discusses the promotion of the Olympics to the Chinese domestic public, who were expected to be model citizens helping to deliver a positive image of China during the Games. This can be viewed as a case of how “charm offensive” begins on the home front. Chapter 8 sheds light on the role of the ever more active Chinese diaspora in national image management through its mobilization in defense of China’s image during the international leg of the Olympic torch relay. To provide some historical context to the discussion of China’s contemporary endeavor, Chapter 9 examines how the conception of “international propaganda” was formulated and institutionalized in early twentieth century China. It highlights the role of Chinese intellectuals in promoting China’s international communication. Our last essay explores higher education as a site of image-construction. It ref lects on how American college students read and evaluate China based on their perspectives and news sources. It ends with an imaginary dialogue between a Chinese journalist and an American journalist on mutual misperceptions, and possibilities for change, providing an “enjoyable and hopeful” conclusion to the book." (Preface, pages ix-x)
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"The handbook includes case studies gathered through interviews with newspapers in Uganda, Kenya and South Africa, including the Observer and Daily Monitor in Uganda, the Standard and the Daily Nation in Kenya, and Grocott’s Mail, the Mail and Guardian, the Sunday Times and the Sowetan in South Af
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rica, as well as News24.com – South Africa’s biggest online news provider [...] In addition to the accounts of successful mobile services, the handbook includes analysis and expert advice covering the key questions media houses should ask themselves when going into mobile. The handbook also provides detailed how-to guides for potential mobile services African media houses could offer." (www.wan-ifra.org, August 9, 2011)
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"Se rangeant parmi les cinq plus grands donateurs d’aide publique au développement (APD), l'Allemagne est fortement engagée dans la lutte pour un accès universel à la prévention, au traitement et à la prise en charge du VIH. Une bonne partie des contributions allemandes est accordée sous fo
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rme de soutien financier et technique à la communication pour le changement de comportement (CCC), souvent associée au marketing social de préservatifs. Cette publication étudie en détail plusieurs projets dans le cadre desquels l'Allemagne a apporté un soutien à la production et à la diffusion de séries télévisées comme composantes clés de la CCC dans trois pays confrontés à des situations épidémiologiques très différentes. Au Kirghizistan, l'épidémie est largement concentrée parmi les consommateurs de drogues injectables (CDI), pour la plupart des hommes jeunes, mais touche aussi des professionnelles du sexe. L'épidémie s’étend rapidement, et l’on craint qu'elle ne se propage davantage dans la population en général. Diffusée pour la première fois en 2006, la série « Love as a Test » avait pour but de sensibiliser les spectateurs au fait que le VIH ne concerne pas uniquement « les autres », mais peut facilement toucher chaque individu ainsi que ses proches, et qu’il est possible d’agir pour éviter sa propagation et en limiter les dommages. En République dominicaine, les taux de prévalence du VIH sont extrêmement élevés chez les Haïtiens de souche vivant dans les bateyes (campements attenant aux plantations de canne à sucre), dans les zones rurales et dans les bidonvilles. Diffusée pour la première fois en 2007, « Amor de Batey » avait pour but de promouvoir l'utilisation régulière et correcte de préservatifs peu coûteux mais fiables, de renforcer l’autonomie des femmes, d'améliorer leur santé et de limiter la mortalité infantile. En Côte d'Ivoire, les taux de prévalence du VIH sont élevés dans l’ensemble du pays, mais beaucoup plus importants chez les femmes que chez les hommes. Cela est notamment dû à la pratique courante des relations sexuelles multiples et concomitantes et aux faibles niveaux d'éducation et de connaissances en matière de santé sexuelle et reproductive. Diffusée pour la première fois en 1994, « Sida dans la Cité » avait des objectifs similaires à ceux de « Amor de Batey ». La première série a rencontré un tel succès qu'elle a été suivie d'une deuxième diffusée en 1996-1997, puis d'une troisième diffusée en 2003. Les trois séries ont connu une grande popularité dans tous les pays francophones d'Afrique de l’Ouest et d'Afrique centrale. Cette publication retrace la genèse de chacune de ces séries, en présente un bref synopsis, résume les résultats des évaluations formelles qui en ont été faites et fournit des appréciations plus informelles. Elle tire ensuite des conclusions et constate que les séries télévisées peuvent apporter des contributions très utiles à la lutte contre le VIH au niveau national. Les séries qui remportent le plus de succès sont basées sur de solides recherches, reflètent les réalités de la vie telles qu’elles sont vécues par les publics cibles et sont réalisées de manière très professionnelle, leur assurant à la fois un haut niveau de divertissement et une grande efficacité comme outil éducatif." (Résumé, page 5)
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"Drawing on the first broad cross-border survey of Arab journalists, first-person interviews with scores of reporters and editors, and his three decades' experience reporting from the Middle East, Lawrence Pintak examines how Arab journalists see themselves and their mission at this critical time in
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the evolution of the Arab media. He explores how, in a diverse Arab media landscape expressing myriad opinions, journalists are still under siege as governments fight a rear-guard action to manage the message. This innovative book breaks through the stereotypes about Arab journalists to reveal the fascinating and complex reality - and what it means for the rest of us." (Publisher description)
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"This one-volume encyclopedia features around 250 essays on the varied experiences of social movement media over the planet in the 20th and 21st centuries [...] The guiding principles have been to ensure that experiences from the global South are given voice; that women are properly represented amon
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g contributors; that the wide spectrum of communication formats is included; that further reading is provided where relevant; and that some examples are provided of repressive social movement media, not exclusively progressive ones. Thematic essays address selected issues such as human rights media, indigenous peoples' media, and environmentalist media, and on key concepts widely used in the field such as alternative media, citizens' media, and community media. The encyclopedia engages with all communication media: broadcasting, print, cinema, the Internet, popular song, street theatre, graffiti, and dance." (Sage website)
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"Unlike most nations in southern Africa, Zimbabwe has not seen the expansion in community radio stations that has been characteristic of the region from the 1990s. A number of community radio initiatives (CRIs) were formed after the 2001 Zimbabwean Broadcasting Services Act (BSA), but no licences we
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re ever issued in any broadcasting sector. This article argues that CRIs reflected the wider political crises of the years since 2000. Even after the Global Political Agreement of 15 September 2008, no community radio station has been licensed. Taking two case studies of such initiatives – Community Radio Harare and Radio Dialogue of Bulawayo – the article investigates how they have survived the Zimbabwean political crisis. It examines the way they lobbied for the right to broadcast and how they produced and distributed programming, and utilized so-called 'roadshows' in an environment where alternative radio stations are viewed with suspicion by ZANU PF." (Abstract)
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"This article argues that for all the plaudits that it has received Botswana is not a true example of democracy. It only continues to shine because of its historical context and the elaborate machinations of the ruling party. It supports Good's (1996) thesis of Authoritarian Liberalism as an apt des
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cription of this style of leadership. The article articulates this by examining Botswana's media policy against the leadership of its first leader, Sir Seretse Khama (1965-1980), famous across the globe for his democratic credentials. Reference will also be made to the Masire (1980-1998) and Mogae (1998-2008) eras. It argues that the current climate of media tyranny and democratic erosion is a legacy of Khama's foundation." (Abstract)
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"Sierra Leone‘s brutal civil war devastated the country‘s population and left its infrastructure in disarray. Over the last decade, international organizations have provided financial and technical assistance to many areas of society, including journalists and the media. Media assistance program
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s, or MAPs, are designed to promote democratization and development by fostering a free and independent press. This free press – also known as the fourth estate – is intended to disseminate accurate and unbiased information upon which citizens can base informed choices in their personal and political lives. In this thesis, it is first argued that current underlying political and socio-economic conditions in Sierra Leone prevent the emergence of a true fourth estate, despite the efforts of MAPs. Secondly, it is argued that MAPs could have a greater impact through a more holistic approach to media assistance, engaging in institution-building to target the root causes of Sierra Leone‘s biased and politicized media landscape." (Abstract)
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"This report offers an overview of results of an assessment that sought to investigate the audience impact of Internews’ network of five FM radio stations in southern Sudan and two transitional areas that were established to provide their communities with critical information about the peace agree
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ment, the referendum and the resettlement of returning refugees. The five stations are the first community radio stations to be established in these remote parts of Sudan. The results show communities identify strongly with their local station and listen in preference to any other available radio service. This is because they believe the information they will receive is credible, accurate and relevant to their specific community, in their local language. A high percentage of listeners also attribute their knowledge about political processes including the CPA, referendum, popular consultation and elections directly to their local FM station." (Abstract)
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"This paper describes the experiences of the African Population and Health Research Center and its partners in cultivating the interest and building the capacity of the media in evidence-based reporting of reproductive health issues in sub-Saharan Africa [...] The African Population and Health Resea
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rch Center’s media strategy evolved over the years, moving beyond conventional ways of communicating research through the media via news releases and newspaper stories, to varying approaches that sought to inspire and build the capacity of journalists to do evidence-based reporting of reproductive health issues. Specifically, the approach included 1) enhancing journalists’ interest in and motivation for reporting on reproductive health issues through training and competitive grants for outstanding reporting; 2) building the capacity of journalists to report reproductive health research and the capacity of reproductive health researchers to communicate their research to media through training for both parties and providing technical assistance to journalists in obtaining and interpreting evidence; and 3) establishing and maintaining trust and mutual relationships between journalists and researchers through regular informal meetings between journalists and researchers, organizing field visits for journalists, and building formal partnerships with professional media associations and individual journalists." (Abstract)
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"This article analyses the uses of the ‘community’ and ‘peace media’ labels in northern Uganda. It tries to assess their effect on power configurations and on the practices and the representations of media workers. In order to do so, it analyses how non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have
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penetrated the local media and have modified the rules of the game, in terms of access to resources and protection from repression, but also in terms of the definition of professionalism. It shows how a local radio station, Mega FM, has managed to negotiate its dependence on the state and on international NGOs, including how it has succeeded in dominating the local media market, by embracing these media models. Finally, all these dynamics are illustrated and nourished by a shift in the professional values: the media workers now value the ‘responsibility’ of the media understood as a support to the peace process." (Abstract)
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"On its issue of March 1, 2010, Time magazine reported that Sheik Fuad Mohamed Shangole, a leader of an Islamist group known as al-Shabaab (the Youth), which is fighting for control of the Horn of Africa nation of Somalia, made a public declaration of allegiance to Osama bin Laden. The purpose of th
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at report, entitled "Somalia: How it became Terror's New Home," is exactly what the title suggests-to portray how the fragmented Horn of Africa nation is fast becoming a host to terrorists and a major threat to the region and the rest of the world. As evidence, the article quotes a Western soldier in Somalia saying, "There's no longer a serious risk that southern Somalia could become a jihadi operational deployment facility. It already is." It is interesting how a closer look of the article reveals no local Somali sources are implied or quoted in any of the commentaries given. To be precise, three sources are indicated, identified as "a Western soldier working in Somalia," "an intelligence officer," and "Michael Ranneberger, U.S. ambassador to Kenya". This pattern in sourcing is not uncommon in international reporting, particularly in dealing with conflict/war stories (Lee & Maslog, 2005; Shinar, 2009)." (Introduction)
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"Over the last five years, Mozambique has achieved significant improvements in the supporting infrastructure for developing and expanding media and ICTs. The expansion of the optical fibre services, and of access to fixed and mobile telephony and broadband Internet, have been instrumental in helping
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broadcasters extend coverage throughout the country. Mobile phone penetration currently covers 86.7 per cent of the population, including more isolated rural areas. The radio broadcasting subsector (public and community) is the most extensive in terms of both territorial and population coverage, while commercial television stations are also beginning to expand through the country and move beyond the urban centers. However, important constraints remain in this area, in particular: obsolete and insufficient transmission and production equipment in the public radio and television sector; poor quality electricity supply, especially in the districts; unreliable connectivity; shortage of technical capacity for maintenance and repairs to radio transmitters and studios; limited use and mastery of ICTs for producing and disseminating information; high costs for the air transport of newspapers; and poor distribution networks." (Conclusions, page 81)
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