"The list of terms included in this lexicon, as well as their proposed meaning and contextualization, are not static. Instead, the lexicon is a ‘snapshot’ (in time and space) of how hateful language is used, perceived, and understood by those who contributed to the research process in Ethiopia b
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etween March and September 2020. How these terms are understood — their meanings, usage, and the assessment of their harmful nature — may evolve or change over time. The non-static nature of hateful language is in line with the sometimes abrupt changes that can occur in the context of conflict and the evolution of language over time in any society, including in Ethiopia. There is a significant subjective dimension to hateful language, and context can change the meaning of language used. The results of the research laid out in this lexicon should be approached as such." (Purpose, page 2)
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"Das Werk bietet, nach Ländern bzw. Regionen aufgeschlüsselt, einen kompakten und aktuellen Überblick über geschichtliche Herkunft, weitere Entwicklungen und aktuelle Herausforderungen der afrikanischen Kirche aus katholischer Sicht. Dabei liegt ein Akzent auf den Beziehungen der Ortskirche zu a
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nderen Konfessionen und Religionen. Experten aus den jeweiligen Ländern bzw. Kenner der jeweiligen Situation vor Ort ermöglichen einen raschen und gründlichen Zugang zu den Besonderheiten der Kirchen und ihrer jeweiligen Rolle in den afrikanischen Gesellschaften heute. Dabei werden die Komplexität und die Vielfalt der verschiedenen Situationen innerhalb Afrikas deutlich." (Klappentext)
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"Après l’ingénierie, les équipements et la fourniture des programmes, la formation professionnelle est le troisième axe de la coopération des pays africains avec les pays occidentaux. L’assistance des pays ou d’agences étrangères a permis de créer des centres de formation dans certains
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pays, souvent au sein d’universités locales. Ces centres ont connu plus ou moins de succès selon les conjonctures politiques ou économiques. Cependant, des centres de formation régionaux (Cameroun, Sénégal) ou nationaux (Côte d’Ivoire, Tunisie) continuent à attirer les étudiants des pays voisins. « Le financement de structures de formation est complexe et englobe diverses participations: celle des gouvernements locaux et étrangers, des fondations, des organisations internationales, etc. En fait, la formation est un champ d’action typique pour la coopération au développement en matière de médias (notamment en provenance de la France, du Canada, de la Belgique, et de la République fédérale d’Allemagne).» (Page 325)
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"This chapter examines Zimbabwean print journalists’ everyday newsmaking experiences during the 2008 disputed harmonized elections. The article is sequel to our article (Tsarwe and Mare 2019), which exclusively relied on qualitative content analysis of a state-owned weekly (The Sunday Mail) and tw
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o private-owned weeklies (The Financial Gazette and The Zimbabwe Independent) to show how news articles were framed in ways that could have escalated political polarization and hatred among different political groups. While the three newspapers remain our sample as in our previous paper, in this chapter we rely exclusively on verbalized personal accounts (in-depth interviews) from journalists who reported on the various stages of the electoral conflict, with specific focus on how newsmaking cultures and other structural forces (such as influence from owners and politicians) may have driven Zimbabwean journalists to behave in the manner they did. The chapter, thus, provides compelling evidence on how various micro- and macro-structural factors contributed to the dissemination of hate speech, propaganda and “war” journalism discourses in a highly polarized Zimbabwe. We argue that although journalists from the three weekly newspapers have the agency to avoid the use of “war journalism frames”, they are embedded in socio-political, organizational and institutional structures, which militate against the realization of conflict-sensitive journalism." (Abstract)
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"[Ce livre] examine les pratiques journalistiques qui ont caractérisé la couverture médiatique du conflit armé ayant opposé les Forces armées de la RDC à la rébellion du Mouvement du 23 mars (M23) dans la province du Nord Kivu. L’auteur scrute le positionnement des journalistes des radios
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congolaises et étrangères face aux discours et actions déployés par les protagonistes du conflit en vue d’exercer un contrôle absolu sur la production et la diffusion de l’information, une composante importante de la stratégie militaire en situation de conflit. Pas moins de trente heures d’informations diffusées sur cinq radios (Kivu One et VBR de Goma, Top Congo FM et Radio Okapi de Kinshasa, RFI émettant depuis Paris) sont confrontées aux discours de dix-neuf journalistes présents sur le terrain lors des événements. Cette confrontation éclaire sur l’incidence des conditions de production dans la construction des récits produits." (Dos de couverture)
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"Conclusions and actionable recommendations to media stakeholders and Internews including: improving access to radio and television in Unity State would likely produce a substantial increase in overall media consumption in Unity State; improving access to smartphones in Warrap State would potentiall
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y produce a major increase in internet access/use in Warrap State; women have far more limited phone access and ownership than men, so for Internews access to information interventions, equipping more women with phones could shift women’s access to information and the internet, as well as potentially shifting gender power dynamics in important ways; radio stations across South Sudan can charge the most for advertisements from 4-8 pm in the evening. This is also prime time for television usage; depending on the region, the next most popular radio use time is in the early morning from 5-8 am, and most stations broadcasting in most states can also charge more to advertisers and sponsors for this timeslot than the others." (Publisher description)
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"Le journalisme congolais se pratique dans un contexte délicat qui allie la liberté d’informer, les contraintes qu’appelle le respect des lois et règlements ainsi qu’une véritable prise de conscience de la responsabilité des acteurs et des instances médiatiques. C’est pourquoi la prati
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que journalistique en RDC se transforme en une exigence contraignante pour les acteurs et les instances médiatiques. Ces derniers sont obligés de conformer la conception qu’ils ont de leur métier, basée sur la liberté d’informer, aux exigences juridiques et à des prescrits appelant à leur responsabilité. Les médias doivent ainsi difficilement s’arranger pour pratiquer leur métier : en jouissant de toute leur liberté et en faisant en même temps l’effort de respecter les lois et les règlements, afin de ne pas tomber dans les abus et les dérapages, qui les pousseraient à enfreindre les valeurs éthiques et déontologiques de leur métier." (Dos de couverture)
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"How can sound be utilized as a tool for political conscientization? COVID-19 has disrupted face-to-face organizing tactics for progressive movements globally, making it necessary to branch out to more mediated forms of grassroots political organizing. In this article, we explore how sound might be
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employed to invoke an imagined working-class community across ethnic, gender and generational divides against a backdrop of crisis and corruption on the structural level. Through a close listening of a South African radio drama, 'Plague in the Time of King Kapital and Queen Corona' (KKQC), we find that the use of sound enables a worldmaking that is both attuned to structural inequities and imagines a utopian, solidaristic working-class community. KKQC offers a case of worldbuilding and political conscientization through radio drama that is relevant to understanding the possibilities of the genre in the contemporary South African context." (Abstract)
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"This article provides a case study of an information campaign directed at people of Somali decent living in the worst hit district of Oslo, the capital of Norway. The Somalis were the immigrant group most affected by the COVID-19 in Norway during the first wave of the pandemic. The campaign used se
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lected Somali-speaking ‘ambassadors’ as well as videos and network methodology to reach those within the Somali population who are least integrated into Norwegian society. The lessons learned from this case may both inform the theory of information campaigns and provide practical lessons learned for other groups in later high-risk information-need situations." (Abstract)
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"The book goes beyond critiques of the marginality of African approaches in media and communication studies to offer scholars the theoretical and empirical toolkit needed to start building critical corpora of African scholarship and theory that places the everyday worlds, needs and uses of Africans
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first. Decoloniality demands new epistemological interventions in African media, culture and communication, and this book is an important interlocutor in this space. In a globally interconnected world, changing patterns of authority and power pose new challenges to the ways in which media institutions are constituted and managed, as well as how communication and media policy is negotiated and the manner in which citizens engage with increasing media opportunities. The handbook focuses on the interrelationships of the local and the global and the concomitant consequences for media practice, education and citizen engagement in today’s Africa." (Publisher description)
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"When questioning the relationship between media, development, and democracy, especially in the ill-defined “Global South,” it’s important to go beyond the commonly held meta-narratives that frame these concepts as common sense. In a quest to investigate alternative characterizations of these
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terms, this chapter uses Ghanaian political economist Lord Mawuko-Yevugah’s (2014) theoretical framework of “developmentality” to explain how development has been used as an ideological instrument to promote the Western liberal media model in the “Global South.” Using a case study of Malawi, which is heavily dependent on foreign aid from the same countries who have defined and promoted this liberal media model aboard, raises important questions about a media model that is characterized by high objectivity and political neutrality on one side, but subjects countries to high levels of competition and free market principles on the other. By outlining the temporal sequence of events that have unfolded since the arrival of missionary media in the 1800s, the presence of international donors and the rise in non-governmental organizations, this chapter reveals how certain ideologies and practices have been legitimized through development to preserve the unequal balance of power between the “Global South” and their former colonial powers." (Abstract)
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"Media accountability has attracted the interest of journalism scholars, media managers and policy makers as the debate grows on how to ensure a free and accountable media. However, media accountability is rarely studied beyond the theoretical and academic debate, especially in many parts of Africa.
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This article presents the findings of an investigation into media accountability policies and practices at two newsrooms in Kenya. Data came from document analysis and face-to-face interviews with various cadres of journalists and media managers of the newspapers. A range of policies and practices for media accountability guide the journalism at the newsrooms. The editorial policy and other ad hoc policies, routine gate-keeping processes, internal editorial evaluations and capacity-building processes are used to ensure quality and professionalism. The newsrooms also have various practices designed for dialogue and interaction with members of the public. However, media accountability is hampered by a weak professional culture; the dominance of commercial values; and deep ethnic and political fissures in the country. The management of the newsrooms should be encouraged to invest in media accountability as a moral obligation to society and to justify their quest for autonomy and independence from political and economic pressures." (Abstract)
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"This article focuses on state-media relations and the shifts in the overall media landscape in Kenya. Drawing on a political economy approach to media operations in Kenya, it argues that while there are competing meanings over what constitutes "news values", "editorial independence", and "critical
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media", changes in political regimes and unclear media regulations contribute to political and/or corporate interference on media coverage of corruption and political impunity. This renders media operations problematic at the normative and operational levels. The discussion situates these arguments within the contexts of "policy laundering" and "critical junctures", seeking to establish whether the shifting media landscape is a function of increased information and communication affordability or, instead, an indication that critical media are on the decline. Overall, the article provides an assessment of key temporal periods that have shaped media regulatory frameworks to show how political and/or corporate interests have influenced journalistic practices and editorial independence over time and space." (Abstract)
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"This volume brings together leading experts from a variety of fields to critically evaluate the extent to which global norms on freedom of expression and information have been established and which actors and institutions have contributed to their diffusion. The contributors also consider ongoing a
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nd new challenges to these norms, from conflicts over hate speech and the rise of populism to authoritarian governments, as well as the profound disruption introduced by the internet. Together, these essays lay the groundwork for an international legal doctrine on global freedom of expression that considers issues such as access to government-held information, media diversity, and political speech." (Publisher description)
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"The role of the Media to the growth and development of a democratic society cannot be overemphasized. Over the years, the media have served as a watch dog in every society, prompting the need for International and National legislation protecting the Right to Press Freedom. While attacks and threat
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to traditional Media (Radio, Television, Newspapers, etc) is not new, the wide adoption of Information Communication Technology (ICT’s) and use of Online digital media has transcend such attacks from the physical milieu to Online domain. The paper adopts the Doctrinal research method to examine the concept of Press Freedom. It exposes the various forms of Online Harassment targeted at Online Media and Journalist. The paper assesses The National legal framework for the protection of Press freedom from online harassment, making recommendations in line with best practices adopted in some Jurisdiction. The paper seeks to educate the Government, International Organisations, the Media, and all relevant stakeholders of the Media industry in Nigeria." (Abstract)
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