"This paper underlines the relevance of devising an effective legislative framework that sets out the organization of the National Communication Council (NCC), the main media regulator in Cameroon. It argues that the rules and procedures informing the functioning of the NCC should clearly affirm and
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protect its autonomy. The duties and powers as well as the ways of making the NCC accountable, the procedures for the appointment of its members and the sources of funding should be clearly defined in law. Equally relevant is the prevalence of a culture of independence, transparency and accountability, where lawmakers, government and the public respect the NCC’s independence without being explicitly required to do so by law. Drawing from a critical analysis of the law creating the NCC and complemented with an interview with the NCC chairman, I argue that independent media regulators (NCC) can have democratizing effects, but it can also limit the growth of press freedom, freedom of expression, opportunities for democratic engagement and the pivotal role that it is expected to play in creating a diverse and pluralistic media landscape. Also, public authorities should refrain from using their financial decision-making power to interfere with the independence of regulatory authorities." (Abstract)
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"This book brings together fresh evidence and new theoretical frameworks in a unique analysis of the increasing role of social media in political campaigns and electoral processes across Africa. Supported by contemporary and historical cases studies, it engages with the main drives behind the variou
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s appropriations of social media for election campaigns, organization, and voter mobilization. Contributors in this volume delve into changing and complex aspects of social media, offering an appraisal of theoretical perspectives and examining fascinating case studies which social media use is redefining elections across Africa. Contributions show that new media ecologies are resulting in new policy regimes, user behaviors, and communication models that have implications for electoral processes. The book also provides preliminary analysis of emerging forms of algorithm-driven campaigns, fake news, information distortions and other methods that undermine electoral democracy in Africa." (Publisher description)
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"This book, part of the BEA Electronic Media Research Series, brings together top scholars researching media literacy and lays out the current state of the field in areas such as propaganda, news, participatory culture, representation, education, social/environmental justice, and civic engagement. T
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he field of media literacy continues to undergo changes and challenges as audiences are reconceptualized and reconfigured, media industries are transformed and replaced, and the production of media texts is available to anyone with a smartphone. The book provides an overview of these. It offers readers specific examples and recommendations to help others as they develop their own teaching and research agendas." (Publisher description)
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"This article reflects on the murders of Reeva Steenkamp (2013), Jayde Panayiotou (2015), Susan Rhode (2016) and Karabo Mokoena (2017) and questions how victims of intimate femicide are portrayed in the South African media. Media reporting on intimate femicide clearly illustrates how the murder of w
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omen by their intimate partners, are framed as isolated incidents rather than a systemic problem situated within a social context of male dominance. It is therefore increasingly important to understand how the media portrays victimhood and violence. This article explores how the murder of women by their partners are rarely classified as femicide, and how the media’s portrayal of these murders fails to convey the systemic nature of violence against women that also entrenches racial and class-based oppression by seemingly valuing some lives more than others. The focus is on the power of the media to obscure the nature of intimate partner violence, which entrenches a notion of ideal victimhood. In conclusion, the South African government’s response to this form of violence is explored, and the need for responsible reporting is called for in reporting on cases of intimate femicide." (Abstract)
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"Radio stations across Africa are facing unprecedented threats to their sustainability due to weak media markets, limited advertising revenue and intense competition. A more pragmatic understanding of viability and more flexible donor strategies can help these outlets stay on air and maintain their
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independence. Station managers must continually balance editorial independence, financial sustainability, and their mission to serve the public. Addressing these three challenges is not always compatible, and trade-offs are often inevitable. Successful stations are able to harness viable funding modalities without selling out and capitalize on management and operations techniques to expand reach without compromising quality content. Marginal improvements in the flexibility of media donors and the media assistance community can foster greater viability and independence for small outlets in challenging context." (Key findings)
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"This study examines how the 2008 election violence was framed in three mainstream Zimbabwean weekly newspapers – The Sunday Mail, The Independent and The Zimbabwean. It was noted that four frames – the victim, justice and human rights, trivialization and attribution of responsibility frames dom
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inated the coverage of electoral violence in these three newspapers. The dominance of the trivializing frame in The Sunday Mail privileged the ruling party’s (Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front; ZANU PF) interpretation of electoral violence as inconsequential to the electoral process. Simultaneously, the prevalence of the victim, justice and human rights frames in The Independent and The Zimbabwean newspapers signifies the private media’s obsession with ZANU PF’s alleged electoral malpractices and situates these alleged transgressions within a broad global social justice and human rights trajectory to cultivate the West’s sympathy with the ‘victimised’ opposition." (Abstract)
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"With the exception of the introduction of new press passes for the journalists by the Deputy Minister of Information and the harassment that followed its implementation, the media landscape in Liberia in May and June has been open and free. Even though the Ministry of Information reduced the freque
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ncy of updates on social media and stopped the regular press briefings especially in May, information about COVID-19 incidents and prevalence was generally available through the NPHIL website and social media pages. The information from the NPHIL helped the media greatly in producing news stories and articles. However, the recession in business and the continued drop in advertising and sponsorship significantly impacted media operations and viability. Due to the financial constraints, some journalists have been laid off, while some fulltime employees have been made freelancers. The situation has also made it difficult to honour salary obligations in some media houses." (Conclusion, page 7)
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"Quatre Togolais sur cinq environ disposent d’une radio dans leur ménage (81%) et suivent régulièrement les informations à la radio (78%). Deux ménages sur cinq (44%) ne possèdent pas de télévision. La moitié (51%) des Togolais ne suivent jamais ou rarement les informations à la télé.
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Un cinquième des Togolais (18%) possède un ordinateur. Quatre Togolais sur cinq (82%) ont un téléphone portable à usage personnel. Un tiers (32%) de la population ont des téléphones qui peuvent accéder à l’Internet. Moins de deux Togolais sur 10 (18%) s’informent souvent via l’Internet." (Résultats clés)
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"The media in Ghana have had relatively free space to operate even amidst the COVID-19 restrictions. The traditional legal texts and the new emergency laws adopted by the government to fight the pandemic have not been used to violate press freedom. The media have, therefore, discharged with distinct
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ion their duty of informing and educating the populace on the COVID-19. However, media professionals face a number of challenges in accessing sources of information and in getting timely access to information. Furthermore, there were few instances of abuse which need urgent redress to prevent impunity from setting in. The financial standing of media enterprises has been weakened by the general fall in economic and social activities arising out of the outbreak of the pandemic. Unfortunately, government has provided practically little support, making the media potentially vulnerable to capture by vested interests, especially as Ghana heads towards elections in December 2020." (Conclusion)
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"We believe every child should own a hundred books by the age of five. In South Africa, that means giving 600 million free books to children who could never afford to buy them. Every day we lose, more children grow up unable to read and write well, and to enjoy the worlds that books open up. Every o
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ne of us can help to give lots of free books to very young children. Most importantly, these books should be: new, African stories; with characters they recognise; in languages they speak; beautiful enough to love for a lifetime. There are two sides to getting new, better books into children's hands: 1. Book creation: writing, illustration and design, guided by an editor (Output: print and digital files than anyone can download and share); 2. Book distribution: printing, delivering and handing out to children and parents (This includes reading on mobile phones). Book Dash creates books. We support others in distributing them to children. Our book-creation process is where our name comes from: a Book Dash is a single day when volunteer teams of skilled creative professionals come together to create new children's storybooks in just 12 hours. Each team comprises a writer, an illustrator, and a designer. The teams have twelve hours to create one book per team. We provide expert editors, tech support, a great venue, great food and lots of coffee." (Page 3-4)
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"Today’s discourses on Africa are manifold – as manifold as the images we have of everyday life there. Both are fed by a Western narrative that saddles the “Black Continent” with all kinds of clichés – whether the stuff of dreams or of nightmares. In images that are at times documentary,
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at times artistic, these nine photographers from Morocco, Algeria, Senegal, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Uganda and South Africa provide a picture of the self-assurance and the vitality of the people in their respective home country. In particular, they tell stories that stem from their immediate surroundings: they tell of everyday life in Africa’s cities and industry, they trace remnants of the past, and they portray strands of popular culture. Their topics include the mining industry’s mixed legacy in South Africa, the impact of environmental pollution, life in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the atmosphere inside Algeria’s football stadiums. The desire to rethink Africa and, above all, to retell its stories is a leitmotif for all of the participating photographers. With its powerful pictorial narratives, this exhibition generates a fascinating dialogue between different cultures." (https://voelklinger-huette.org)
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"The highest levels of regulation, from international treaties to constitutions, are unambiguous about creating an environment in which women thrive. However, this egalitarian space must be progressively realized, and one aspect of this work is eliminating discrimination, including in relation to ge
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nder-based violence (GBV). Whether authorities care to admit it or not, the Internet is an inseparable part of the society in which we live, and online GBV demands a resolute hand. Unfortunately, the gaps in legal frameworks, not to mention deficient law enforcement, are forcing women to self-censor online or even wholly abandon platforms that could be used for legitimate expression and the exercise of other fundamental rights. Unless governments take urgent, comprehensive action, the inadequate protection of women’s rights online will continue to erode any other legislative attempts to achieve equality across different spheres of life." (Conclusion)
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"The dominant transparency narrative in policymaking attributes a key role to the public: once citizens gain information, they are predicted to use it to demand better resource governance. Whether the public receives the available information in the first place, however, has not been scrutinised in
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a large-N analysis. This article examines Ghanaians’ information sources and information-seeking behaviour using a unique survey with over 3500 respondents. Although Ghana has actively pursued transparency in its natural resource revenue management, most Ghanaians have poor access to understandable information as information is disseminated through channels that the intended receivers normally do not use. Non-elite citizens and those with limited English skills were least likely to have heard about natural resource revenue management, compared with elected duty bearers, traditional authorities, other opinion leaders, and those with an interest in the issue through working in mining or living near an extraction site. The results suggest that the conceptualisation of transparency may be too simplistic, and that the expectations linked to transparency in enhancing natural resource governance may not materialise through the mechanisms hypothesised in the literature." (Abstract)
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"Reliable, high quality information is a key priority for the young generation in Burkina Faso. Perhaps as a consequence of political insecurities and the prevalence of violent extremism, a majority of young people between 15 and 25 years seems very aware of the negative consequences of malevolent f
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orms of communication such as cyberbullying, disinformation and hate speech. At the same time, many young people lack vital Media and Information Literacy skills in the fields of access, creation and analysis of media content. This is according to results from a 2019 representative survey conducted for the MIL INDEX study on behalf of DW Akademie. Cyrille Guel from media NGO EducommunicAfrik echoes these findings, saying in an interview for the study that a basic knowledge of “how media work and how information is disseminated” is lacking. Denis Vincenti of development agency Fondation Hirondelle argues that this lack of skills emanates from the fact that young people are not given a chance to voice their concerns in the country, despite below 25-year-olds accounting for roughly 65 % of the population. The country report presented here is based on the findings of the MIL INDEX study, for which a representative survey, eight focus groups and six expert interviews were conducted in Burkina Faso between November 2018 and April 2019. The Study focused on five Media and Information Literacy (MIL) skill sets: Access, analysis, reflection, creation and action. For each of these dimensions, survey respondents received a score ranging between 0 (= no skills whatsoever) and 20 (= highest level of skills) points, adding up to a total maximum score of 100. The average 15-25-year-old Burkinabè respondent had moderate to good skills when it came to access (10.5), analysis (10.8), as well as reflection (11.5). Deficits were found mainly in the areas of action (8.2) and creation (5.6). The total score amounted to 46.6 out of a possible 100." (Executive summary)
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"Searching for a New Kenya analyses public discussion in urban Kenya, focusing on the gatherings of citizens, both in-person and online, where people discuss issues of common concern to shed light on the role public discussion plays in politics and how social media affects political movements. Throu
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gh rich ethnographic study of politics on the ground and online in Mombasa, Stephanie Diepeveen brings a fresh perspective on the wider challenges and dynamics of negotiating political narratives across protracted historical debates and changing digital media. Based on a critical revision of Hannah Arendt's ideas about action and power, this study explores the different dynamics of public talk in practice. It contributes to wider debates about the place and limitations of the Western canon in relation to the study of politics elsewhere, while also offering a nuanced view of why and how certain terms of debate persist in Kenya, and where the potential for change lies for public talk across changing media." (Publisher description)
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"Ghana’s youth is embracing digital. According to the representative survey conducted for DW Akademie’s MIL INDEX study, three quarters of 15-25-year-olds own a smartphone. Over 70 % report going online with a mobile phone as well as using Facebook and WhatsApp on a weekly basis. Use of several
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different social networks and messengers is widespread and frequent. More data intensive networks like Snapchat (34.7%), YouTube (29%) and Instagram (26%) are used by a fairly large proportion of survey respondents every week. “We virtually live our lives on the Internet,” as one girl put it during a focus group conducted in Accra. “[I]f it’s about politics, if it’s about entertainment, if it’s about education, you can find enough information on the Internet using your smartphone.
The country report presented here is based on the findings of the MIL INDEX study, for which a representative survey, eight focus groups and seven expert interviews were conducted in Ghana between November 2018 and April 2019. The study focused on five Media and Information Literacy (MIL) skill sets: access, analysis, reflection, creation, and action. For each of these dimensions, survey respondents received a score ranging between 0 (= no skills whatsoever) and 20 (= highest level of skills) points, adding up to a maximum of 100 points. The scoring system measures how often certain skills are actually put into practice (access, creation, action) or tests the skills directly (analysis, reflection). Since citizens cannot permanently use media and information sources, unless they are journalists or media workers, a perfect score of 100 for any country appears unrealistic—it is more about the relative performance across time and in comparison to other countries, as well as being a tool for identifying deficits to be addressed in media development.
The 15-25-year-old Ghanaians on average displayed good skills in terms of action (13.9) and analysis (13.1), and intermediate skills when it came to creation (11.4). Deficits were mainly found in terms of reflection (10.2) and access (10.8). The total score amounted to 59.5 out of a possible 100." (Executive summary)
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"Young Ugandans are reluctant to voice their concerns and take part in public discussions according to indicative findings from the MIL INDEX country study presented here. The eight focus groups conducted for the study in Kampala and Bugembe early in 2019 revealed that youths are using both traditio
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nal and social media extensively, but discussions of political and public issues take place mainly in closed circles on platforms like WhatsApp. “It is a suffocated environment,” says media expert Gerald Businge.
This MIL INDEX study is aimed at obtaining a concise picture of media- and information-related skills amongst youths under the age of 35 in Uganda. It addresses five dimensions of Media and Information Literacy (MIL) based on DW Akademie’s MIL model: access, analysis, reflection, creation, and action.
The focus group participants see themselves living in the “the dot-com era” though access to the Internet and even television is far from universal in Uganda. The smartphone is the most popular device and it serves as a benchmark when judging more traditional media (radio, television, and newspapers). Social media are used alongside traditional media, but there is a feeling that traditional media, especially radio, are losing touch with the Ugandan youth of today. There is a general neglect of printed media, based on an aversion to long reads and often also difficulties in understanding them. Some participants feel they are addicted to social media and online messengers.
When it comes to analytical skills, the Ugandan youths in the focus groups are not very critical of the media environment they live in despite the overwhelming evidence that state control, intimidation, and media concentration are problems in Uganda. But they do pick up on news bias and sensationalism. They are also aware of the fact that online sources and social media information should not be trusted blindly. Participants can differentiate between quality and tabloid-type media, but an alarming proportion does not know their constitutional right to freedom of expression.
The level of reflection on the part of focus group participants is medium to low. They can render many cases of cyberbullying/hate speech, disinformation and cybercrime, though they are not always aware of the difference. Especially the examples of cyber-harassment that are recounted in the focus groups reveal that female youths are primarily targeted. At the same time there seems to be little in the way of counselling for victims and there was not enough reflection of the background to such malevolent forms of communication. Strategies in coping with them are not very elaborate, though some groups did mention methods of verification in the context of disinformation several times. There is considerable potential for support when it comes to dealing with cyberbullying, cyber-harassment, hate speech and cybercrime." (Executive summary)
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"For the fifth year in a row, Somalia tops the Committee to Protect Journalists’ (CPJ) Global Impunity Index on countries where those who kill journalists escape prosecution. The Somali authorities rarely investigate cases of killings or attacks on journalists, media outlets and critics. At least
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eight journalists were killed in south central Somalia and Puntland since 2017 when president Farmajo took office. Four of the journalists were killed in 2018 and two in 2019. Another journalist survived – albeit with serious injuries – an attempt on his life in 2018 when an improvised explosive device (IED) was fitted to his car and detonated. Aside from two cases including one in which a policeman who killed a journalist in Mogadishu in 2018 was convicted in absentia, no one has been held accountable for the killings or the attempted killings of the other journalists. The policeman remains at large." (Executive summary)
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"The growth of the Internet in the last two decades has helped increase political and civic en-gagement and scrutiny. The growth of a digital economy in Kenya has led to the emergence of a vibrant online community with 89.7 % of the population having access to the Internet. This paper examines how K
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enyans on Twitter (KOT) use visuals as a form of political protest. Using an open source data tool, the paper provides results from a qualitative analysis of 200 tweets that drove three political hashtags with a special focus on the most prominent memes, cartoons and pictures. This research finds that #KOT uses visuals to highlight government corruption and incompetence through mockery, condemnation and humour." (Abstract)
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