"This article analyzes the framing of Norwegian media coverage of the war against terror in Afghanistan with special emphasis on the coverage of the Norwegian military presence in Afghanistan. Norwegian forces became involved in a military intervention for the first time since the Second World War w
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hen ex-Yugoslavia was attacked in April 1999. At that time, Norway provided military support for the invasion and placed fighter planes and Norwegian pilots at the disposal of NATO. The war in Afghanistan represented an additional dimension, with Norwegian ground forces taking part in the hunt for al-Qaida fighters in the mountains of Afghanistan. The purpose of this article is to give a picture of Norwegian media coverage of the war in Afghanistan, with a special emphasis on the coverage of Norway's role in the conflict. As a small country with traditionally close relations to US, Norway had to balance, like many other small countries, between the need to uphold its traditional policy of complying with international law, and the desire to avoid provoking the USA with criticism and actions that could be regarded as disloyal and thus harm the bilateral relationship. This dilemma must also be seen as a problem for the mainstream media, which traditionally has been loyal to Norwegian security policy. Two main issues are discussed: 1. How was the start of the war covered in the media in October 2001? 2. In what context was the Norwegian military presence covered? The two newspapers analyzed are Aftenposten and VG. The choice of these two newspapers was made to include Norway's largest and potentially most influential morning paper (Aftenposten) and its largest tabloid, as well as largest newspaper (VG). Quantitative as well as qualitative methods are used to analyze the coverage. Both Aftenposten's and VG's coverage on the first day of the war in Afghanistan are dominated by pro-US framing and the use of Western sources. The pro-US framing is more obvious in Aftenposten than in VG. The editorial in VG was more unconditionally supportive than the editorial in Aftenposten. VG is also much clearer in its framing of Norway as a potential victim of future acts of terror. Norway's role as a potential military actor in the region is at this stage virtually absent in both newspapers. The legal aspects are mentioned in the two newspapers, though in a very superficial manner. Neither of the newspapers focuses on potential "hidden agendas" in their news coverage. No issue is made of the USA's potential global interests or the issue of controlling oil flows from the region. Aftenposten, in its coverage of an attack on a wedding party, treats this incident as "collateral damage" and in no way links it to Norway's military presence. Norway is simply a "loyal ally" receiving praise from the US for doing a "good job"." (Abstract)
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"China’s quest to improve its international image has increased exponentially in the last decade through cultural diplomacy and the media. However, the expansion of China’s state-led media has received mixed reactions and even stereotypes in Africa. By examining scholarly responses towards China
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’s media in Africa, this paper observes that the arguments seem fall from one side to the other and new perspective is needed for better understanding of China’s media in Africa. Therefore, based on the analyses of Challenges and stereotypes against the so-called ‘positive reporting’ of China's media in Africa, the paper proposes to revisit the journalism of China's media from the concept of constructive journalism to figure out what exactly makes the engagement of China’s media different from Western media in Africa. The paper concludes that it is indeed too simple labeling China’s media with positive reporting and constructive journalism helps to offer a new perspective to understand China’s media." (Abstract)
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"Contributors to the volume explore various questions concerning the opportunities and constraints for governance associated with the startling growth in digital technologies in the Global South. In areas of limited statehood, places where the reach of the state is limited and weak, can mobile phone
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s, geographical information systems, and other digital technologies help fill the governance vacuum? In general, Livingston and Walter-Drop conclude with the contributors that where missing governance is information-based (bits), digital technology has a tremendous impact. Yet a major constraint is found in its ability to fill the governance vacuum concerning the provision of material collective goods (atoms)." (Abstract)
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"Seit einigen Jahren zeigt das afghanische Fernsehen zahlreiche Krimis und Dokumentationen von Gerichtsprozessen. Sie werden von Afghanen produziert, aber aus dem Ausland finanziert, unter anderem von der Europäischen Kommission, den Vereinten Nationen und der US-amerikanischen Entwicklungsagentur
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USAID. Gegenwärtig laufen insgesamt sechs derartige Fernsehserien und vier Radioprogramme. Obwohl sie ernsthafte Absichten verfolgen, werden sie ohne viel Aufwand hergestellt; die Kampfszenen etwa werden in den Straßen von Kabul improvisiert. In Afghanistan galten in den vergangen zwanzig Jahren mindestens drei völlig unterschiedliche Rechtsordnungen; die staatlichen Behörden genießen wenig Vertrauen und nur wenige Leute wissen, wie eine moderne Justiz funktioniert. Deshalb sind diese Krimiserien hilfreich: Sie vermitteln wertvolle Informationen über die Funktionsweise von Gerichten, und sie machen den Afghanen bewusst, dass alle Bürger vor dem Gesetz gleich behandelt werden müssen. Der Erfolg dieser Produktionen stellt einige im Westen verbreitete Vorstellungen über Aufbau- und Entwicklungshilfe in Afghanistan und anderen kriegsgeschädigten Ländern in Frage. Zwar ist es nicht neu, Radio- und Fernsehsendungen in den Dienst der Entwicklungspolitik zu stellen. Das Kinderhilfswerk UNICEF verknüpft schon seit langem Aufklärung und Unterhaltung in seiner Arbeit: In Indien finanziert es Hörspiele, die zur Verbesserung der Gesundheit von Müttern und Kindern beitragen sollen; in Afrika unterstützt es mobile Kinos, die nach einem kurzen informativen Vorspann populäre Filme zeigen. In der Praxis spielen solche Projekte bei Impfkampagnen, in der Bildungsarbeit und bei der Verbesserung der Hygiene eine wichtige Rolle. Doch viele Organisationen, die mit öffentlichen Mitteln arbeiten, scheuen sich bisher, mit Hilfe von Unterhaltungssendungen Aufklärung zu betreiben." (Einleitung)
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"The Puppetry for All Times Seminar held in September of 2013 in Ubud, Bali, was one of the most enchanting of events of its kind held anywhere in recent years. Its success revolved around the fantastic locale, the overwhelming response from performers as well as the paper presenters, and the genero
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us support of Rumah Topeng-the House of Masks and Puppets Setiadarma. In Puppetry for All Times, editor Ghulam-Sarwar Yousof offers a unique collection of papers presented at this weeklong seminar by academicians as well as performers of various traditions of Asian puppetry. The papers cover a wide range of interests and perspectives in puppetry and theater including history and tradition; heritage, preservation, and conversation; tradition and modernity; and digital puppetry and media." (Publisher description)
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"The Cambodian Communications Assistance Project (CCAP) is a sub-national governance project, working with four provincial departments of information (PDI) – Battambang, Kampong Cham, Kampot and Siem Reap. It started in May 2012 and is due to be completed in December 2014. The project, with a budg
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et of $3,554,662 is funded by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) and is implemented by the Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s International Development department (ABC ID) in partnership with the Cambodian Ministry of Information as well as the four provincial departments. The Department of Media and Communications (DMC) at the Royal University of Phnom Penh has also been a partner in the project [...] Overall, CCAP has been very successful in meeting the three objectives and outcomes set for the project and contributing to Australian Aid’s overall objectives. There have been a number of challenges it has had to overcome including the coinciding of the project with a turbulent time in Cambodia’s political environment as well as capacity limitations of counterparts and varying degrees of hesitancy and suspicion on the part of some senior provincial officials." (Executive summary, page 3-5)
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"Combining insights from imperial studies and transnational book history, this provocative collection opens new vistas on both fields through ten accessible essays, each devoted to a single book. Contributors revisit well-known works associated with the British empire, including Charlotte Brontë's
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Jane Eyre, Thomas Macaulay's History of England, Charles Pearson's National Life and Character, and Robert Baden-Powell's Scouting for Boys. They explore anticolonial texts in which authors such as C. L. R. James and Mohandas K. Gandhi chipped away at the foundations of imperial authority, and they introduce books that may be less familiar to students of empire. Taken together, the essays reveal the dynamics of what the editors call an "imperial commons," a lively, empire-wide print culture. They show that neither empire nor book were stable, self-evident constructs. Each helped to legitimize the other." (Publisher description)
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"PakVotes, a pilot project supported by the U.S. Institute of Peace (USIP), used social media platforms and a network of reporters located in areas outside of major cities in Pakistan to track violence during the 2013 elections. The project offers lessons that could guide future efforts to use socia
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l media to record and publicize conflicts and the use of violence during elections and other major events. The hashtag #PakVotes trended for several days around elections, serving as a popular alternative news source to the mainstream media, which was not as diverse in its geographic coverage, sources or story types." (Page 1)
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"Turkish television has undergone a distinctive transformation since the early 2000s in which new regulations, rapid market growth, and political pressures have interacted with and transformed each other. As Turkey set new records in 2013 for the highest number of journalists arrested worldwide, tel
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evision dramas have suffered from their fair share of political pressures, while the contemporary political agenda has, in turn, infiltrated the content of television dramas. This article analyzes the ways in which Turkish television dramas appear as a sphere of political contest." (Abstract)
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"Using case studies from countries such as Burma, Mexico and Uganda, the study explores whether the use of technology in citizen participation programs amplifies citizen voices and increases government responsiveness and accountability, and whether the use of digital technology increases the politic
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al clout of citizens. The research shows that while more people are using technology—such as social media for mobile organizing, and interactive websites and text messaging systems that enable direct communication between constituents and elected officials or crowdsourcing election day experiences— the type and quality of their political participation, and therefore its impact on democratization, varies. It also suggests that, in order to leverage technology’s potential, there is a need to focus on non-technological areas such as political organizing, leadership skills and political analysis." (NDI website)
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"The communist government’s diaspora engagement policy in the Xi era represents a departure from tradition. Not only is it a very non-ideological policy, but it is also based on Xi’s vision of public diplomacy— indigenizing public diplomacy approaches and instruments to accommodate the needs a
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nd interests of foreign audiences. These new diaspora engagement policies reflect the new communist leaders’ well-informed and realistic appraisal of the international environment and their new foreign strategy—prudent projection of Chinese hard power along with active wielding of Chinese soft power. In addition, through these new engagement policies, the Chinese diaspora can play more versatile and important roles in China’s rising public diplomacy." (Conclusions, page 18)
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"Understanding how the British media has framed British aid efforts to Afghanistan is imperative to successfully campaign for continued public support for the long term development of the country. This is especially important given the scheduled troop withdrawal in 2014, which many commentators have
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cautioned is likely to result in a decrease in media interest on Afghanistan. This report investigates Afghanistan in the British print media from December 2008 to November 2013. Specifically, it focuses on the British print media’s portrayal of British aid efforts in Afghanistan in 2013. The report aims to provide the British and Irish Agencies Afghanistan Group (BAAG) with an understanding of the amount of coverage Afghanistan has received, how the British print media has framed British aid efforts in Afghanistan in 2013, the obstacles and influences that journalists face in reporting on Afghanistan, and how journalists perceive this narrative to unfold given the political developments ahead. The findings of this report are drawn from a Nexis UK search, a content analysis and interviews conducted with key journalists reporting on Afghanistan." (Executive summary)
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"Youth in this study treat new media and technologies as one limited component of otherwise rich lives and social experiences. While new technologies promote individualistic mobility, Indian youth of small towns and rural places still live in collective social structures that shape their orientation
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s. New media are at the periphery of their lives, as these youth have strong interpersonal connections that are rooted in geographic proximity and active school experiences." (Abstract)
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"This article presents an ethnographic study of the adoption and use of Facebook among urban Indian youth from socioeconomically disadvantaged communities. Mobile-centric use of the Internet is widely prevalent here as general packet radio service (GPRS)-enabled mobile phones and data plans have bec
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ome increasingly affordable. Less privileged youth are the lead adopters of these new technologies, and typically the first generation of Internet users, in their communities. My research uncovers their leisure-driven engagement with new media, seen through the lens of Facebook use, and the development-friendly outcomes that result from it. By examining the direct and indirect affordances of Facebook perceived by these youth, this article highlights how they swiftly negotiate social boundaries and technological hurdles, transitioning into legitimate members of a global community." (Abstract)
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"Campaigns and movements targeting corruption often face decentralized targets rather than an identifiable dictator or external government, and can be found both in undemocratic and democratic systems. Graft and abuse are manifested in a systemic manner rather than a hodgepodge collection of illicit
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transactions. Consequently, this research brings to light new applications of civil resistance beyond the more commonly known cases against occupations, such as the Indian independence movement, and authoritarian regimes from Chile to Poland. It also expands our understanding about the dynamics of how people collectively wield nonviolent power for the common good. The focus of this research is on citizen agency: what civic actors and regular people—organized together and exerting their collective power—are doing to curb corruption as they define and experience it. Hence, the analytical framework is based on the skills, strategies, objectives, and demands of such initiatives, rather than on the phenomenon of corruption itself, which has been judiciously studied for more than two decades by scholars and practitioners from the anticorruption and development realms. I selected cases that met the following criteria: they were “popular” initiatives. They were civilian-based, involved grassroots participation, and were led and implemented by individuals from the civic realm, rather than governments or external actors, such as donors, development institutions, and international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs); they were nonviolent. They did not threaten or use violence to further their aims; they involved some degree of organization and planning, which varied depending on the scope—objectives, geographical range, duration—of the civic initiative; multiple nonviolent actions were employed (thus, instances of one-off demonstrations or spontaneous protests were not considered); objectives and demands were articulated; the civic initiative was sustained over a period of time." (Introduction, pages 2-3)
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"Leading media scholars from nine Asian nations focus on three main questions: How frequently do Asians use social media to access and discuss political information? Does the use of social media increase political participation? What political, social and cultural factors influence the impact of soc
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ial media on political engagement in each nation? To answer these questions, contributors first analyze the current state of social media in their nations and then present the findings of a cross-national survey on social media use that was conducted with over 3,500 Asian respondents. By employing a comparative approach, they analyze how social media function and interact with the cultural and political systems in each country - and how they might affect political engagement among individual citizens." (Back cover)
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"Global Journalism Practice and New Media Performance provides an overview of new and traditional media in their political, economic and cultural contexts while exploring the role of journalism practice and media education. The authors examine media systems in 16 countries, including China, Russia a
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nd the United States." (Publisher description)
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