"This study examined (a) what message variations characterize news articles that fact-check (mis)information (N¼914) and (b) how those message features shape audience engagement with the articles. The study content-analyzed fact-checking coverage from major news outlets in South Korea using both ma
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nual and computerized coding, focusing on three categories of message characteristics: source transparency, contextual information, and vividness. The content-analysis data were examined in relation to behavioral data of audience engagement (“like” and “angry” reactions, shares, and comments) on Naver News, the most popular news portal in South Korea. Using statistics and official reports as evidence and specifying when the claim at hand was made facilitated audience engagement behaviors. News articles triggered more audience comments when they (a) mentioned the importance of fact-checking the claim under scrutiny, and (b) conveyed negative content. Findings are discussed in light of the empirical and practical implications of the current efforts to fight “fake news” by news media." (Abstract)
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"This policy brief is an Access Now publication. It gives context about the Personal Data Protection Bill in the Parliament of Sri Lank, states the key areas of concerns in the present bill, and proposes nine (9) recommendations." (commbox)
"In posts by Chinese diplomats, the US, NATO and the West were almost exclusively blamed or criticised for Russia’s unprovoked invasion of Ukraine. Russia was not specifically blamed. The most common posts shared news relating to the conflict (including readouts of Xi Jinping’s calls with world
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leaders), primarily from Chinese state media. Those articles usually presented China’s and, where they aligned, Russia’s views of the conflict. They frequently reported on the actions of Chinese officials reiterating China’s position. Chinese diplomats repeated Russian conspiracy theories about US biological weapon labs in Ukraine with gusto and linked the alleged activities to conspiracy theories about the origin of Covid-19. Posts about Ukraine on Facebook mostly underperformed compared to regular posts, except in Europe. On Twitter, Ukraine material appeared to broadly perform better than non-Ukraine material, particularly when the content attacked or blamed the West. Chinese diplomats did not appear to specifically target the Chinese diaspora (by posting in Chinese) in posts about Ukraine to any significant extent on Facebook or Twitter. A selection of CGTN content on YouTube largely mirrored the narratives of the Chinese officials on Twitter and Facebook." (Executive summary)
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"This study points to several recommendations for how international donors can improve support for media sector reform in countries at critical political junctures, and how they can build upon and strengthen approaches that have been effective in the past. Donor support is more likely to be effectiv
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e when it is driven by a deeper understanding of the political dynamics surrounding media sector reform, including the potential weaknesses in state capacity and threats to sustained political will. As such, donor agencies need to provide robust funding and technical support for rigorous media sector assessments led by local experts, targeted efforts to cement local leadership, and dedicated technical and financial support for consensus building. A common blueprint for assistance does not exist—different strategies are needed that are attuned to the strength and commitment of the state, the capacity and cohesion of civil society, and the persistence of anti-democratic forces. Intervening early in a transition, when priorities are established and plans are drawn up, pays better dividends, and long-term assistance is critical to ensuring the sector is not co-opted by political and societal rivalries." (Conclusion, page 31-32)
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"Chinas Streben nach weltweiter medialer Dominanz und Diskursmacht ist eine konkrete Gefahr für demokratische Länder. Wenn sich Demokratien dem nicht widersetzen, werden chinesische Bürgerinnen und Bürger jegliche Hoffnung auf Pressefreiheit im eigenen Land verlieren und der Journalismus, wie wi
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r ihn kennen, wird künftig mit chinesischer Propaganda konkurrieren. Auch in Deutschland gibt es Beispiele dafür, wie China versucht, die Medienberichterstattung im eigenen Sinne zu beeinflussen, etwa durch Medienkooperationen, gemeinsame Sendungen oder China-freundliche Beilagen in Zeitungen. Auch die chinesische Botschaft in Deutschland kommentiert und kritisiert auf ihrer Webseite immer wieder deutsche Medienberichte. Im zweiten Kapitel werden vor diesen Erfahrungen verschiedene Kooperationsformen typologisiert sowie Empfehlungen an Journalistinnen, Journalisten und Medienhäuser ausgesprochen, inwieweit und unter welchen Voraussetzungen Kooperationen möglich sein könnten. Eine Gefahr - bei allen Kooperationstypen und auch allgemein in der Berichterstattung - ist die unkritische Übernahme von chinesischen Narrativen. Daher soll das dritte Kapitel für Argumente und Deutungsrahmen (sog. Frames), die für chinesische Propaganda kennzeichnend sind, sensibilisieren und alternative Darstellungen und Argumentationen anbieten. Denn ausländische Medien spielen eine wichtige Rolle dabei, Propagandainhalte zu verbreiten - eine Methode, die in Peking einen eigenen Namen hat: "ein Boot leihen, um auf den Ozean hinauszufahren". Chinas Vorhaben könnte dazu führen, dass sich teils auch subtile Narrative und ein bestimmtes, dem chinesischen Regime wohlwollendes Vokabular verbreiten und durchsetzen kann." (Seite 3-4)
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"This volume presents a comparative exploration of Dalit autobiographical writing from India and of Latin American testimonio as subaltern voices from two regions of the Global South. Offering frames for linking global subalternity today, the chapters address Siddalingaiah's Ooru Keri; Muli's Life H
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istory; Manoranjan Byapari and Manju Bala's narratives; and Yashica Dutt's Coming Out as Dalit; among others, alongside foundational texts of the testimonio genre. While embedded in their specific experiences, the shared history of oppression and resistance on the basis of race/ethnicity and caste from where these subaltern life histories arise constitutes an alternative epistemological locus. The chapters point to the inadequacy of reading them within existing critical frameworks in autobiography studies." (Publisher description)
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"For months, our team has been tracking how China has exploited search engine results on Xinjiang and COVID-19, two subjects that are geopolitically salient to Beijing — Xinjiang, because the Chinese government seeks to push back on condemnation of its rights record; COVID-19, because it seeks to
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deflect criticism for its early mishandling o f the pandemic. In both cases, Beijing is quite focused on positioning itself as a responsible global leader and softening perceptions to the contrary. To evaluate these concerns, we compiled daily data over a 120-day period on 12 terms related to Xinjiang and COVID-19 from five different sources: (1) Google Search; (2) Google News; (3) Bing Search; (4) Bing News; and (5) YouTube. We found that Chinese state media are remarkably effective at influencing the content returned for the term “Xinjiang” across several search types. “Xinjiang,” which is among the most neutral terms in our data set, regularly returned state-backed content across news searches, with at least one Chinese state-backed news outlet appearing in the top 10 results in 88% of searches (106 out of 120 days searched). On YouTube, state media appeared among the top 10 results in searches for “Xinjiang” in 98% of searches (118 out of 120 days searched) [...]" (Executive summary)
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"The Digital Ecosystem Country Assessment (DECA) Toolkit is a step-by-step guide designed to help USAID Missions conduct high-quality research that will directly inform Mission strategic and programmatic decisions for digital development interventions. The DECA is the flagship initiative of the USAI
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D Digital Strategy. It identifies opportunities and risks in a country’s digital ecosystem to help the development, design, and implementation of USAID’s strategies, projects, and activities. The DECA informs USAID Missions and other key decision-makers about how to better understand, work with, and support a country’s digital ecosystem. This Toolkit is designed to provide Mission staff with the tools and information needed to conduct this assessment." (About this Toolkit, page 5)
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"This article assesses the models of Indonesia and Germany’s public radio and particularly compares the two countries’ policies regarding their broadcasters. It begins by tracing the history of the two countries’ former state-run radio and the influence of political parallelism on the radio go
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vernance. This study applies qualitative methods and finds German and Indonesian public radio has been strongly influenced by changes in their countries’ political systems. Public radio in both countries experienced similar trips in post-autocracies but reaching different destinations. Germany’s radio has experienced rapid changes and enjoyed editorial freedom. Meanwhile, Indonesia’s public radio blends government and public interventions." (Abstract)
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"Quality media are indispensable. People must be able to form opinions competently. They must also be free to express their views. At the same time, there must be limits to slander, fake-news propaganda and the spreading of conspiracy theories. The internet is proving to be ambivalent. On the one ha
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nd, some kinds of online exchange are excellent – not least, as some news websites are standing up to governments with authoritarian tendencies. On the other hand, the under-regulated cyber sphere gives too much scope for spreading lies and disinformation." (Page 3)
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"This Media Landscape Guide provides a snapshot of the media in Pakistan, including the audiences, the producers, the preferences of different groups in the community, the communications culture, and the languages associated with the media. It gives an insight into the role of media in development w
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ork, crisis preparedness, recent disasters, and the (at time of writing) ongoing COVID-19 response. The guide also gives an overview of each media sector including, digital and social media, radio, television, print and other traditional forms of mass communication. It should be noted that with the constantly changing nature of the media landscape, this is not a comprehensive overview of all media outlets and platforms but rather a snapshot summary of those most relevant at the time of writing." (Introduction)
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"An international line-up of authors first discuss communication practices, strategies, and media uses by NGOs, providing insights into the specifics of NGO programs for social change goals and reveal particular sets of tactics NGOs commonly employ. The book then presents a set of case studies of NG
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O organizing from all over the world—ranging from Sudan via Brazil to China – to illustrate the particular contexts that make NGO advocacy necessary, while also highlighting successful initiatives to illuminate the important spaces NGOs occupy in civil society." (Publisher description)
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"The pandemic brought to crisis point prior trends facing independent news media, whether online or offline or hybrid. While media became more important than ever for citizens as a source of reliable information in an insecure and continuously changing world, newsrooms struggled to pay their bills.
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Already under financial pressure, many independent media have had to cut staff and even close shop. Transforming this moment of crisis into a window of opportunity, however, many in the media community, officialdom, academia, civil society and the private sector are taking action. They have come up with innovative ways to strengthen viability through initiatives that produce revenue and contribute to the central mission of independent journalism. Their efforts are a source of inspiration for media enterprises all around the world. To help multiply the achievements, this UNESCO publication profiles 11 case studies that can help ensure media viability without compromising editorial independence and journalistic integrity." (Back cover)
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"This briefing document provides an overview of key developments in digital authoritarianism in 11 countries and explains the theoretical framework and methodology behind The Unfreedom Monitor project. The document also provides a basis for expanding this research to other countries to deepen our un
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derstanding of digital authoritarianism globally, as well as its crucial implications for the future. The preliminary sample of 11 countries was chosen to reflect a range of factors: system of government, approach to human rights (including rankings in indexes), and corporate relations. The countries are: Brazil, Ecuador, Egypt, India, Morocco, Myanmar, Russia, Sudan, Tanzania, Turkey, and Zimbabwe." (Publisher description)
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"Despite information disorder being a widespread problem in countries in the Global South, the study of this phenomenon remains dominated by examples, case studies, and models from the Global North. Knowledge about the various manifestations of information disorder, the range of responses, and the s
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uccess rate of interventions to counter the disorder remains fragmented and partial. In order to gain a better understanding of the knowledge gaps and areas where further research is required, as well as to identify opportunities for inter- and intra-regional cooperation, a scoping study of efforts to counter information disorder in the Global South was needed. The project that was subsequently launched had three interconnected objectives: 1. To map the actors currently working to counter information disorder and to identify the frameworks upon which such interventions are based; 2. To learn from current approaches, tools, and methods used to counter information disorder; 3. To gain an overview of the research landscape and to identify key issues and questions for further research. This scoping study provides an overview of key stakeholders and regional networks and a wide overview of approaches, tools, and methods being used currently. On the basis of the information gathered through this scoping, an agenda for further research and areas for intervention has been identified." (Introduction, page 7)
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"The Brazilian educator Paulo Freire (1921-1997) is one of the most important thinkers of the 21st century, figuring among the most quoted authors in the fields of education and social sciences all over the world. He is also a core reference to an infinite number of grassroots and activist initiativ
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es globally. This book celebrates his birth centennial with a collection of 19 contributions from both experienced and young media and communication scholars and activists working in 11 countries. They reflect and debate Freire’s principles and ideas, revisiting their origins and interrogating their relevance to current challenges and struggles. The result can be summarized as a claim for affect as the core feature of social change and a tool for yielding resistance." (Publisher description)
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"This research has shown that in the midst of the complex and diverse cultural context of Indonesia, growing use and misuse of social media in the country, and the complexity of ‘grey-area’ problematic content in the country, there has been a lack of meaningful and continuous dialogue between pl
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atforms and leading and peripheral civil society groups. Civil society groups and lay users have been battling individually, instead of coordinating, against the content moderation decisions of platforms. Most of them do not know how to appeal against the platform’s decisions. Meanwhile, the leading civil society groups in their capacity as the official partners of platforms have often felt powerless in the negotiation process with platforms. Platforms usually hold the final decision-making power, while not displaying sufficient understanding of the complexity of the local context. Accordingly, there have been cases of over and under content moderation in the country, that either hurt freedom of expression or the safety of individuals and public. When we submitted the idea of a local Coalition on Freedom of Expression and Content Moderation to the interviewees, most of them responded positively. To be clear, there is already a number of multi-stakeholder groups and civil society alliances working on issues of Internet governance, freedom of expression, and social media ethics in the country, but only few have shown interest, resources, and commitment to develop work on the issue of the contribution of local actors to content moderation on social media." (Recommendations, page 57)
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"This report presents a summary analysis of research on current practices of content moderation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Indonesia, and Kenya, with a specific focus on 'harmful content' such as 'hate speech' and disinformation. The methodology combined desk research with qualitative interviews wit
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h key informants (representatives from local stakeholders). Findings from the country reports indicate that social media platforms, rather than serving as spaces for democratic debate and participatory citizenship, have increased ethnic-driven disinformation and politically motivated hatred, and reinforced the exclusion of marginalised groups. Given the importance of social media platforms, in countries where such tensions have in the past caused real-life violence, addressing the weaknesses of content moderation practices is of the utmost importance to ensure sustainable peace and enduring democracies." (Executive summary)
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"Since it first began substantial implementation in 2018, the MDP has enabled UNESCO’s Communication and Information Sector to immediately respond to emerging priorities and needs affecting freedom of expression, the safety of journalists, access to information, and community media. Before its cre
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ation, UNESCO Officers in the field were limited to regular programme funds, and few extrabudgetary projects limited in time and scope, therefore, at times, were unable to provide the urgent support requested by local stakeholders or respond to any emerging need. Through its inherent flexibility, the MDP has over the past four years been able to provide core funding for initiatives, or co-fund projects, as well as maintain momentum when field offices experienced delays in receiving funds between two extrabudgetary projects. It has also enabled UNESCO to immediately respond to urgent needs and not miss windows of opportunity. During the reporting period, this flexibility has allowed the MDP to respond to crises as they appeared, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, the Beirut port explosions, the 2021 crisis in Gaza, or political events in Afghanistan and Myanmar. The MDP’s response to emergencies has been critical and, maintaining this approach, it will continue to respond to urgent needs in countries such as Afghanistan, Lebanon, and Ukraine in the coming biennium." (Summary, page 6)
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