"Introduite dès les années 1930 sur les terres africaines et durablement ancrée au lendemain de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, la radio s’est peu à peu adaptée à l’environnement culturel, social et politique africain. Ses évolutions successives ont suivi la courbe des mutations culturelles
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et sociopolitiques qui ont traversé l’histoire contemporaine du continent. Car, comme le dit André-Jean Tudesq, « on ne peut séparer les médias des sociétés dans lesquelles ils se diffusent. Ils ne forment pas un système autonome, mais participent à la fois aux systèmes politique, économique et culturel locaux » (2009). Mais si l’on s’intéresse uniquement à la situation de ce début de siècle, on pourrait noter plusieurs changements par rapport à celle de la dernière décennie du XXe siècle." (Résumé)
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"This title centres around digital gender activism focusing on the implications that the phenomenon of online gender activism has for politics, society, culture and gender relations/dynamics. On December 16th, 2012, Jyoti Singh, a female psychotherapy student from New Delhi was raped by six men in a
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moving bus while making her way home with a male friend. After 13 days spent fighting for her life, Jyoti Singh passed away. Abiding by Indian laws, Joytis actual name was never mentioned by the media and pseudonyms like Nirbhaya (Hindi for fearless) were most commonly used. The brutal attack instantly triggered domestic and global criticism and widespread protests across India over the high levels of violence against Indian women and children, making it one of the biggest gender movements that the country has witnessed. The Nirbhaya case thus became a turning point in the politics of gender justice in India. The nationwide protests that followed the case also witnessed one of the first and most extensive uses of digital technologies for activism in India having far reaching changes in how gender activism is conducted. Keeping the Nibhaya case at its core, this book explores and attempts to understand experiences and social constructs and investigate the use of digital technologies and social media by civil society actors, activists and organisations specifically for gender activism in India." (Publisher description)
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"The Agenda 2030 strives for a transformative approach that requires a broad shift in values, norms, beliefs, attitudes and practices towards more sustainable societies. In this debate on sustainable development, environmental communication and learning processes are driving forces for success. Crit
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eria and options for decisions regarding sustainable practices are a result of public discourse and transparently communicated and learned alternatives. Therefore, environmental education and communication (EEC) plays a key role in the achievement of the SDGs, particularly Goal 4 Education, Goal 11 Cities, Goal 13 Climate Change, and Goal 15 Ecosystems. In this context, the communication and learning objectives are as ambitious as the SDGs. Loss of biodiversity, degradation of ecosystems, or climate change challenges cannot be understood without assessing the complex interactions between ecological, social and economic factors." (Page 6)
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"In sum, the representation of the several discussed topics – regional unions, regional cooperation organizations such as the EAEU, CIS, CSTO; Kyrgyz-Uzbek relations, Kyrgyz-Kazakh border conflict, Kyrgyz-Tajik relations and border issues, Central Asian integration, Central Asia and Caucasus, Cent
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ral Asia and Ukraine, Central Asia and Moldova, Russia as regional power etc. – provides a rich example of how differently the 15 websites frame the partnership between Central Asia, Caucasus, Ukraine and Moldova. Topics about Kyrgyzstan’s relationships with neighboring Central Asian countries are prevalent in most state-owned media." (Conclusion, page 35)
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"The No News Is Bad News (NNIBN) programme started in January 2016. The aim of the NNIBN Programme is to work towards the following vision: media and journalists, as independent players in civil society, constitute a diverse and professional media landscape and function as change catalysts. This is
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done by working towards three interlinked Intermediate Outcomes: an enabling environment for the media is established, conducive to freedom of expression, pluralism, and diversity; media serve the interest of the public and act as a watchdog on their behalf; journalists and media-actors work professionally and are effective and sustainable [...] The outcome harvesting activities Free Press Unlimited has done with our partners in Pakistan have had four outputs or applications: an evaluation of the Pakistan country programme, which has resulted in this document; lessons learned for future outcome harvesting workshops, which have been used to draft a pilot evaluation report and a two-pager on outcome harvesting at Free Press Unlimited; input for the Mid-Term-Review of the No News is Bad News programme as a whole; recommendations on the priorities and strategies for the programme going forward, discussed together with Free Press Unlimited’s programme staff and our partners in Pakistan." (Page 3-4)
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"Until the state and its aligned media operate in a fair and competitive media market, there will be little space for independent news media to survive, much less make the investments needed to innovate and survive in this raucous, frontier environment. Myanmar has a much smaller overall advertising
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sector than neighboring countries, and audiences are rapidly shifting to digital/mobile platforms. Outside Yangon, ethnic and regional news media, often operating in rural and conflict-filled environments, have little possibility of generating sufficient amounts of market-derived revenue to support their operations. To lose their voices would be to lose the plural, local and diverse voices of an inclusive society. To create a vibrant overall media sector, the government must have the political will to create a vibrant public service media sector. To repeat: at the very least, it should stop competing for revenue against the news media it licenses, regulates, can sue, prosecute and imprison. The Broadcasting Law has provisions for this; the government should embrace them. It must also further develop the legal infrastructure supporting media, including copyright, intellectual property, and online privacy laws. For all the laws governing journalists and journalism, there are few that protect their work product or that support the news media industry and its role in the broader economy." (Conclusion)
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"Based on an in-depth case study of “Khabar Lahariya” – a community newspaper located in Central India, this research paper analyses its decade-and-a-half journey and examines the metamorphosis it has undergone over the years. The paper borrows from Tanja Bosch’s (2010) synthesis of Gilles D
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eleuze and Felix Guattari’s notion of “rhizomes” to analyze community media, and also from Chris Atton’s (2002) “Model of Alternative and Radical Media,” which he developed through an amalgamation of existing definitions and theoretical sketches on community media. Drawing on the characteristics of “heterogeneity,” “multiplicity” and “asignifying rupture” of rhizomes, the paper explains how Khabar Lahariya grew from a study tool for the neo-literate women of an NGO’s literacy intervention to an independent “media agency” having linkages with diverse media outlets. Atton’s model allows us to comprehend the “intersections” and “overlapping” of dimensions in Khabar Lahariya’s content, form, production, distribution channels, social relations, roles and responsibilities that generate “hybridity” in its products and processes. The authors conclude by flagging some of the consequences of this rhizomatic growth and multi-dimensionality of structure and processes of Khabar Lahariya that may signify a debatable compromise of a few of the non-negotiable principles that characterize community media." (Abstract)
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"While studies on alternative media and community radio stations have primarily focused on the media content and production techniques, scant attention has been paid to audience participation, a crucial aspect of community radio. This paper is based on ethnographic interview with the listeners and p
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rogram producers of RadioJU, the community radio station of Jadavpur University, which was the first community radio station of West Bengal. The radius around RadioJU covers two districts of the state that includes urban areas as well as suburban regions, including a large refugee colony. The paper focuses on the three dimensions of alternativeness: the relationship with social context, nature of the content, and organizational structure. The objective of this study is to explore in what manner community radio continues to be relevant in contrast to the mainstream media and in what way audience participation positions community radio within the alternative–mainstream debate. The paper also points to the challenges and the limitations of audience participation in community radio, and suggests that the notion of supplementary media can be an important move towards opening up the category of the alternative media in an increasingly commercialized broadcast environment." (Abstract)
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"In general, the internationalisation of China's television in the past several decades can be divided into four intertwined paths. The first is importing media and cultural products from other countries, which initiated the exchange of China's television with the outside world, and so far is still
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popularly employed by all levels of Chinese television units. The second is coproducing television products with foreign media. The third is exporting television dramas to other countries; and the fourth, which demonstrates the new trend of internationalsiationof China's television, is an aggressive strategy of expanding China's media outlets and their informational and cultural products abroad." (Page 427)
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"For over a thousand years, Chinese journalism was dominated by the official gazette called DiBao (Peking Gazette). This organ of the imperial state comprised edicts, news of government appointments and court affairs, and served a small privileged readership. It was not until 1815 that what could be
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considered the first modern periodical (though not strictly speaking a Chinese publication) was to appear in China. This was the work of two British missionaries, Robert Morrison and William Milne, and it marked the beginnings of a process, spanning the nineteenth century, in which a group of predominantly British and American Protestant missionaries pursued a strategy of evangelism centred on the development of journalism, publishing and printing enterprises in China. This chapter aims to provide a short outline of this process and some reflections on its wider cultural consequences." (Page 67)
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"This chapter employs the cyberconflict perspective (Karatzogianni 2006, 2009, 2010, 2012a: 52-73, 2012b: 221-46; Karatzogianni and Robinson 2010) to offer an in-depth analysis of Chinese dissidents in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) focusing particularly on the 2000s. A distinction is drawn
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between socio-political (or active) social movement uses of the internet – which focus on organisation, mobilisation and the networked form of the medium itself – and ethno-religious (or reactive) social movement uses, which subordinate the medium to vertical logics. These are often expressed in terms of ad hoc mobilisations and tit-for-tat defacements and cyberattacks adhering to closed and fixed identities, such as nationality, religion and ethnicity." (Page 217)
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"There are five key reasons why China encounters problems in trying to manage the global conversation. First, the power and scope of conversation is not under China's control, but rather resides in the audience [...] Second, the audience's image of China is conditioned by the politics of the country
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: the authoritarian politicalsystem, a flaccid approach to human rights, the rise of an aggressive style of nationalism, the treatment of dissidents [...] The third problem in China's strategy follows the second. China's public diplomacy activities strain to achieve credibility [...] Fourth, the public diplomacy architecture, with the international broadcasters securely embedded within the political system, reinforces popular suspicion that the Chinese are engaged in state-sponsored propaganda [...] Fifth, China's international broadcasters are considered by the leadership as a remedy for the apparent defects in the global flow of information. Moreover, at the heart of cultural imperialism lies a belief that power over the global flow of news and information translates into strategic and political power. However, the continued relevance of this theory is open to disucssion ..." (Conclusions, page 471-472)
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"Is China's engagement in the global governance of global public goods (GPGs) credible in terms of China's projected image as a new responsible power? Only through global cooperation can GPGs such as climate and security be effectively provided. International decision-making structures are currently
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undergoing major changes due to emerging economies such as China. Despite common interests regarding GPGs and global challenges such as climate change, there are still many obstacles for the cooperation between China and Europe." (Publisher description)
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"Myanmar’s local media outlets face a variety of internal and external obstacles hampering their prospects for sustainability. Key among these today, and the focus of this report, are the business realities that every media outlet must tackle." (Introduction)
"This reports examines the situation of freedom of expression of indigenous journalists in four countries and analyzes data, where available, of Indigenous Peoples’ access to mechanisms charged with ensuring their safety. We present grassroots information from Nepal in English, and from Guatemala,
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Honduras, and Mexico in Spanish, along with general recommendations for improving the specific experience of Indigenous journalists and community communicators. Please note this information is far from exhaustive and represents only situations that were brought to this organization’s attention." (Introduction, page 1)
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"Wealth from Asia isn’t being channeled into media development on anything like the scale seen in the U.S. and Europe: “It’s not just about the money. It’s about priorities.”