"Existing research on factors informing public perceptions of expert trustworthiness was largely conducted during stable periods and in longestablished Western liberal democracies. This article asks whether the same factors apply during a major health crisis and in relatively new democracies. Drawin
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g on 120 interviews and diaries conducted during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic in the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Serbia, we identify two additional factors not acknowledged in existing research, namely personal contact with experts and experts’ independence from political elites. We also examine how different factors interact and show how distrust of experts can lead to exposure to online misinformation." (Abstract)
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"[...] Durch ausführliche Interviews mit Redaktionsmitgliedern und (Digital-)Verantwortlichen bei ARD und ZDF kann er [ = der Autor dieser Studie] ein detailliertes Bild ihrer gegenwärtigen Social-Media-Praxis zeichnen. Das Dilemma wird deutlich: Eine Orientierung der redaktionellen Tätigkeiten a
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n algorithmischen Funktionsweisen und Konventionen der Plattformen findet auf allen Ebenen statt. Formatentwicklung, Darstellungsweisen und Inhalte werden (unterschiedlich stark) daran ausgerichtet. Auch die Kommunikation mit den Nutzer:innen orientiert sich an den Prinzipien der Netzwerke. „Wir wissen, dass es dem Algorithmus auch gefällt“, ist eine vielsagende Begründung in einem der Interviews für die intensive Interaktion der Redaktion mit dem Publikum. Kennzahlen der Plattformen (wie Abrufzahlen) sind im Redaktionsalltag stets präsent und werden als ‚Währungen‘ akzeptiert. Für den Autor Eichler bedarf es mehrerer Ansätze, um auch zukünftig Qualitätsjournalismus in digitalen Medienumgebungen für alle zu sichern. Redaktionen und Medienhäuser sind in der Pflicht, verbindliche Leitlinien für öffentlich-rechtlichen Journalismus in sozialen Netzwerken aufzustellen. Zugleich muss der Ausbau unabhängiger und nicht-kommerzieller Plattformen und eine stärkere Regulierung der Netzwerke und ihrer Algorithmen vorangetrieben werden. Die Medienstaatssekretärin in Rheinland-Pfalz, Heike Raab, sagte kürzlich, die Medien seien „zu wichtig, um sie den Algorithmen und den Gesetzen des Marktes zu überlassen“. Der Markt (und Musk) mögen ARD und ZDF nicht kaufen können, über die Algorithmen aber üben sie erheblichen Einfluss auf deren journalistische Arbeit aus. Stiftung und Autor hoffen, dass die Studie die Debatte darüber stärkt, wie die Unabhängigkeit der öffentlich-rechtlichen Medien nachhaltig gewährleistet werden kann." (Vorwort)
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"Following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, policymakers worldwide have taken measures to curb the reach of Russia’s foreign communication outlets, RT and Sputnik. Mapping the audiences of these outlets in 21 countries, we show that in the quarter before the invasion, at least via their official we
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bsites and mobile apps, neither outlet reached more than 5% of the digital populations of any of these countries each month. Averaged across all countries, both outlets’ website and mobile app reach remained approximately constant between 2019 and 2021, was higher for men, and increased with audiences’ age." (Abstract)
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"This report provides a Europe-wide overview of lawsuits that are taken to stifle scrutiny and public debate on issues such as corruption, mismanagement of public resources, and human rights violations. Such lawsuits, known as strategic lawsuits against public participation (SLAPPs) are taken by pow
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erful individuals in society not necessarily to win cases, but to drag their critics through legal processes that drain them financially and psychologically and ultimately prevent them from exercising their fundamental rights (including freedom of expression or freedom of assembly and association)." (Abstract)
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"Under-investment in public service journalism has led to growing interest in the possibility of philanthropic support for the sector. Though long associated with non-profit journalism in North America, there is little tradition of philanthropy in UK journalism. This paper explains how recognition o
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f public interest journalism as charitable can be achieved through more constructive interpretations of the existing law. Despite its initially conservative response, the Charity Commission has recently taken important steps towards recognising defined forms of journalism as charitable under the existing law. This paper reviews the democratic imperatives fulfilled by public interest journalism which justify such developments; and seeks to demonstrate how this framework for defining public interest journalism aligns with the public benefit requirement in charity law, opening up the possibility of new forms of charitably funded ‘public benefit journalism’." (Abstract)
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"This book presents a new perspective on how Russia projects itself to the world. Distancing itself from familiar, agency-driven International Relations accounts that focus on what 'the Kremlin' is up to and why, it argues for the need to pay attention to deeper, trans-state processes over which the
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Kremlin exerts much less control. Especially important in this context is mediatization, defined as the process by which contemporary social and political practices adopt a media form and follow media-driven logics. In particular, the book emphasizes the logic of the feedback loop or 'recursion', showing how it drives multiple Russian performances of national belonging and nation projection in the digital era. It applies this theory to recent issues, events and scandals that have played out in international arenas ranging from television, through theatre, film, and performance art, to warfare." (Publisher description)
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"Currently, 1.5 billion people live in countries with low Intercultural Dialogue where global challenges such as absolute poverty, terrorism and forced displacement are more prevalent. To forge effective cooperation and sustain peace, strengthening Intercultural Dialogue must be a priority. For the
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first time, We Need to Talk presents evidence of the link between intercultural dialogue and peace, conflict prevention and non-fragility, and human rights. Building upon the groundbreaking data from the new UNESCO Framework for Enabling Intercultural Dialogue, this report highlights key policy and intervention opportunities for intercultural dialogue as an instrument for inclusion and peace. Using data covering over 160 countries in all regions, the report presents a framework of the structures, processes and values needed to support intercultural dialogue, examining the dynamics and interlinkages between them to reveal substantial policy opportunities with broad spanning benefits." (Short summary)
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"The research – based on programmatic text-mining supported analyses of several millions of war-related comments scraped by Sentione and further examined with CrowdTangle - found traces of inauthentic, repetitive pro-Kremlin activity on Facebook in all countries under review, which can be consider
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ed attempts to influence public opinion in the affected states and, in some cases, beyond them. Our main conclusions are: Crises help the Kremlin. Even if public opinion in the EU is currently unfavorable to the Kremlin, the onset of high, permanent inflation, soaring energy prices and the looming danger of an EU-wide recession could create a more favorable environment for the Kremlin’s propaganda efforts. Most (covertly) Kremlin-friendly forces will adopt a rhetoric blasting sanctions for harming Europe more than Russia. Importing disinformation narratives. Three out of the four narratives found in Hungary were imported into the country from abroad. One doubting Ukraine’s existence as a country started from an organization connected to Ukrainian pro-Putin oligarch Viktor Medvechuk, taken over by the so-called “news agency” of separatists. Another narrative detailing a new, dictatorial world order based on, among others, COVID-19 restrictions, and led by NATO was aimed at developing countries where Russia can hope to hold more sway. The third essentially took over a trend in the Russian media space: users tried to discredit anti-war voices by asking them “where they were in the past eight years” when Ukraine committed atrocities against minorities. Strategies in Germany: Divide and Rule. The six relevant narratives we found in Germany employed three different strategies. The first was anti-Westernism, where the US and NATO are to blame for Russia’s attack. The second aimed clearly at generating debates by spreading a Kremlin-critical narrative. Some profiles involved in this were caught disseminating both pro-Kremlin and anti-Kremlin narratives, which indicates it is not intended to counter the Kremlin’s information operation but to be a part of it. The third strategy was about exploiting contemporary events - such as heightened discussions on sanctions and rising inflation." (Executive summary)
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"Danny Schmidt analysiert, wie führende deutsche Medien über Russland schreiben. Artikel der Frankfurter Allgemeinen Zeitung, des Neuen Deutschlands, des Spiegels, der Süddeutschen Zeitung und der Welt zeichnen ein deutliches Bild. Der Blickwinkel ist verengt, die Perspektivenvielfalt reduziert,
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ein neutraler Blick nicht immer gegeben. Historische Diskurse reaktivieren Stereotype und befeuern Ressentiments. Die Folge ist die Konstruktion eines vitalen Feindbildes, das im Krieg in der Ukraine traurige Realität geworden ist." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"30 anos de literatura brasileira na RFA: como uma das editoras centrais da Europa do pós-guerra, a editora Suhrkamp, contribuiu e impulsionou a recepção da literatura brasileira no mercado editorial alemão. Através da análise de documentos do arquivo da editora Douglas Pompeu reflete sobre a
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posição marginal da produção literária brasileira na circulação literária internacional, assim como sobre o seus esforços de divulgação para além das fronteiras nacionais. O estudo pode ser resumido como uma pesquisa de cruzamento entre dois espaços literários com valências distintas, mas em contato e movimento constante, no qual editores, agentes, redatores, tradutores e o leitor tomam o protagonismo da instância autor na produção do livro e na legibilidade, traduzibilidade e vendabilidade do produto literário." (Resumo)
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"Polnische Juden stellten nicht nur die größte Gruppe unter den Opfern des Holocaust, in den 1930er Jahren hatte auch kein Land Europas mehr jüdische Einwohner und einen vielfältigeren jüdischen Printmarkt als Polen. Die Studie trägt zu einem Paradigmenwechsel bei, der diese Tatsachen stärker
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berücksichtigt, indem er den Blick von Ost nach West richtet und die polnischen Juden nicht länger als monolithischen Block passiver Opfer begreift, sondern als handelnde Subjekte, die den Antisemitismus, der sie bedrohte, aktiv bekämpften. Aufbauend auf einer Analyse der Berichterstattung der jiddischen Warschauer Tagespresse über Nationalsozialismus und Judenverfolgung legt sie die Netzwerke der jüdischen Zeitungsmacher frei und zeigt, wie diese sich trotz Zensur und Repression subversives Wissen aneigneten, es ihrem Publikum vermittelten und so die Vorstellungswelten polnischer Juden über Deutschland prägten sowie Protest- und Solidaritätsaktionen zugunsten der Verfolgten initiierten." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Maidan, Krim und Russland bilden 2014 einen Fokus der Berichterstattung, als Proteste v. a. in Kiew in eine Staatskrise münden und die Halbinsel Krim von Russland annektiert wird. Diese einschneidenden Ereignisse werden von Medien eingeordnet und in Sinnzusammenhänge eingebettet. Die vorliegende
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Medien-Frame-Analyse untersucht das Bild, das seinerzeit in den kommentierenden Texten der reichweitenstärksten deutschen Printmedien geprägt wurde. Sie begreift Meinung als über den Begriff des Frames in den Texten nachweisbar, den sie theoretisch daraus herleitet, wie Menschen mit (Eigen-)Kategorien die Welt verstehen und sortieren. Mit einer operationalisierbaren Definition des Begriffes Frame können so die Meinungsspektren nachgezeichnet werden." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The growth of Russia’s presence across Africa over the last decade has generated significant international concern, further exacerbated after Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine. Russia’s engagement can affect the interests and policies of the European Union (EU) and its member states (MS) in Africa
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. How should European policymakers understand these developments and respond to them? To answer this question, this report looks at Russia’s engagement in Africa, reaching three main conclusions.
First, Moscow’s engagement with Africa has so far remained limited as compared to that of other global players, particularly in the economic domain. The current level of (media) attention devoted to Russia’s role in Africa is thus not supported by sufficient evidence of its actual engagement in the continent. At the same time, however, the growth of Russia’s presence is a real trend.
Second, Russian actors are guided by a rather loose strategy when it comes to Africa. The Russian state has some interests that act as a broad framework. However, the actual engagement is carried out not only by state actors, but also by state-backed conglomerates and politically connected private businesses. These latter actors have their own specific interests, which are not always fully aligned with those of the Russian state. While state actors are often driven by geopolitical considerations, Russian companies are more interested in economic opportunities.
Third, Russia’s engagement in African countries is significantly shaped by the different national contexts and by the interests of African governments. For instance, in a strong state like Ethiopia, Russia’s engagement takes place exclusively at the governmental level. By contrast, in Sudan and Mali (contexts with weaker state structures), other Russian actors like private military companies (PMCs) and private businesses are involved. Yet, in all three cases, Moscow’s presence tends to grow when relations between African governments and their international partners (especially in the West) deteriorate, often in the wake of authoritarian turns. This shows the opportunistic nature of Russia’s engagement, as well as the complex trade-offs faced by EU/MS governments when engaging with African governments." (Executive summary)
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"Dutch international radio broadcaster Radio Nederland Wereldomroep (RNW) was founded in 1947, during the decolonization war in Indonesia. This paper explores the nature of the broadcasts to Indonesia in the early years of RNW. It is argued that these broadcasts must be seen in the context of the Du
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tch violent military effort to reestablish colonial rule in Southeast Asia. Moreover, this broadcasting strategy, which was mainly aimed at reaching out to white agents of empire in the Indonesian archipelago, can be seen as a continuation of broadcasting practices during the late colonial period in the 1930s, when Dutch were speaking to Dutch." (Abstract)
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"Through this research we gained insight into tactics employed by state-backed social media disinformation. With that goal, we explored user interactions with inauthentic Twitter accounts. We used multiple procedures to measure the ways in which users talked with and about the accounts employed by t
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he Russian-affiliated Internet Research Agency in the month before the 2016 U.S. Election. We found that users were overwhelming supportive of the IRA accounts, a fact that calls into question the standard representation of these accounts as “trolls.” Users were particularly supportive of the accounts that pretended to be part of a particular ideological group (on both the left and right), supporting arguments that a strategy of building connections with like-minded people was central to the IRA campaign. This strategy seems to work—on days that the Russian accounts received more support they also received more engagement." (Lay summary)
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"In the midst of heated debates surrounding the veracity and honesty of communication, scholarly attention has turned to the conceptualization of mis- and disinformation on the supply-side of (political) communication. Yet, we lack systematic research on the conceptualization of perceived mis- and d
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isinformation on the demand-side. Original survey data collected in ten European countries (N = 6,643) shows that news consumers distinguish general misinformation from disinformation. Yet, the high correlation between the two dimensions indicates that disinformation perceptions may be regarded as a sub-type of misinformation perceptions in which intentional deception is a core element. This paper aims to make a contribution to the misinformation and media credibility literature by proposing a first conceptualization of perceived untruthfulness corresponding to increasing levels of cynicism and skepticism toward the factual status and honesty of information." (Abstract)
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"The volume helps us deconstruct COVID-19 discourses on crisis communication and media developments focusing on three areas: Media viability, Framing and Health crisis communication. The chapters unpack issues on marginalisation, gender, media sustainability, credibility, priming, trust, sources, be
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havioural change, mental health, (mis)information, vaccine hesitancy and myths and more. Ultimately, this volume roots for sustainable and quality journalism, human (information and communication) rights, commitment to truth and efficacious (health) crisis communication." (Publisher description)
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"The recent barbaric murder of an investigative journalist in Malta who was looking into corruption at the top echelons of power sparked off a civil society movement, Repubblika, spurring ordinary citizens into participating in collective protest action. The movement also incorporated a loose groupi
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ng of women calling themselves ‘Occupy Justice’. Different forms of protest against government corruption have resulted in the resignation of various senior politicians and high-ranking officials, including the Prime Minister. Taking as a point of departure the struggle against the unequal distribution of power as defined by Michel Foucault and Jacques Rancière, the empowering force of civil protest is here examined in relation to how power is appropriated and how institutional power is resisted. Micromobilization and mesomobilization are seen as two means of staging protest and creating a common force with which to confront corrupt power structures. Protest, power, and resistance are viewed in the light of theatrical events; the creative means deployed to stage protests are discussed. The aesthetic qualities meant to transform perception and move people to action for bringing about political change are highlighted in relation to both sensory and symbolic dynamics." (Abstract)
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