"Under the MDP, UNESCO has since 2018 coordinated actions with other development partners through the Somalia Media Sector Group (SMSG) to advocate for improvements in the media legislative framework and to support the implementation of the Somalia Federal Republic Media Strategy 2016-2020 as well a
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s of the UN Plan of Action. In addition, UNESCO supported a consortium of media institutions under the Somalia Independent Media Houses Association (SIMHA) who monitored the amendment process of the Federal Media Law and advocated for the modification or deletion of clauses that could adversely impact media freedom. Through this, UNESCO provided support for the review of media laws in Somalia and Somaliland to encourage compliance with international standards." (Page 2)
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"Various media freedom NGOs have noted that progress achieved in 2019 in terms of freedom of expression and of the media was disrupted by a series of internet shutdowns as well as by an anti-hate speech law adopted in 2020, whose vague provisions have drawn criticism from specialized observers. Furt
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hermore, the armed conflict that broke out in the Tigray region in November 2020 has pointed out to concerning trends, with journalists reporting having been barred to travel to the region. Responding to these setbacks, the UNESCO Addis Ababa Office launched in 2020 on the occasion of World Press Freedom Day an online campaign promoting freedom of expression, media freedom and the safety of journalists within the national context of democratic transition. In addition, the campaign aimed at encouraging professional journalism within the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, which has, as in many other countries, come to further complicate the challenges faced by Ethiopian media." (Page 2)
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"Sudan’s transitional authorities expressed a strong political commitment to reform laws and policies relative to freedom of expression, media freedom and access to information. This was notably demonstrated by the suspension of old laws limiting freedom of expression, as well as by the signing of
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the Media Freedom Coalition’s Global Pledge to Defend Media Freedom by Sudanese Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok in September 2019 within the margins of the United Nations General Assembly. He declared on this occasion that “never again in the new Sudan will a journalist be repressed or jailed”. Sudan also signed the Hague Commitment to Increase the Safety of Journalists in 2020. Sudan’s transitional authorities requested UNESCO’s support in this reform endeavour, an opportunity that the Organization seized through its Khartoum Office with funding from the MDP. An agreement was subsequently signed with Sudan’s Ministry of Culture and Information to launch a project with two components. The first component was to conduct an analysis of existing media laws and to develop a roadmap to address legislative reform, institution building, investment in technical infrastructure along with training and employment of media professionals. The second was to strengthen the capacities of Sudanese journalists in countering disinformation and preventing violent extremism and hate speech. The British Embassy in Khartoum then joined the project, and a joint committee representing all three parties war formed. UNESCO thus set in motion in late 2019 a series of high-level meetings with the aim of building coalitions to support future reforms and of advising Sudanese authorities on this process." (Pages 1-2)
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"The role of the media is critical for the future of South Sudan’s peacebuilding process, democracy and development. For this purpose, the Multi-Donor Programme has since 2018 supported the establishment of a safe and enabling environment for media through advocacy, awareness-raising, capacity-bui
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lding and policy advice. This support builds on past actions undertaken by UNESCO, such as advocacy towards the adoption of Access to Information, Broadcasting Corporation and Media Authority laws, the set-up of a national monitoring and reporting mechanism on media violations through the Union of Journalists’ Media Observatory, and the production of safety training modules adopted by the University of Juba, the Media Development Institute and the Association for Media Development in South Sudan (AMDISS)." (Page 2)
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"This ground-breaking three-year global study on gender-based online violence against women journalists represents collaborative research covering 15 countries. It is the most geographically, linguistically, and ethnically diverse scoping of the crisis conducted up until late 2022. The research draw
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s on: the inputs of nearly 1,100 survey participants and interviewees; 2 big data case studies examining 2.5 million social media posts directed at Nobel Laureate Maria Ressa (The Philippines) and multi award-winning investigative journalist Carole Cadwalladr (UK); 15 detailed individual country case studies. The Chilling illuminates the evolving challenges faced by women journalists dealing with prolific and/or sustained online violence around the world. It calls out the victim-blaming and slut-shaming that perpetuates sexist and misogynistic responses to offline violence against women in the online environment, where patriarchal norms are being aggressively reinforced. It also clearly demonstrates that the incidence and impacts of gender-based online violence are worse at the intersection of misogyny and other forms of discrimination, such as racism, religious bigotry, antisemitism, homophobia and transphobia. Further, it identifies political actors who leverage misogyny and anti-news media narratives in their attacks as top perpetrators of online violence against women journalists, while the main vectors are social media platforms - most notably Facebook, Instagram, Twitter and YouTube." (Exexutive summary)
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"Multifaceted, uncensored, promoting democracy - that is the internet, many people had long hoped. But from today's perspective, this is not true - or only partially. Because the big digital platforms and the world wide web are both: media of freedom and control. In many places, they support civil s
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ociety, but often they also pose a massive threat to it. On the one hand, civil society organisations, activists and bloggers use digital tools to organise their work and make it more efficient: Through them, they disseminate reports and campaigns and exchange information. On the other hand, governments restrict freedom of expression and the press through online censorship: They block access to certain websites or platforms or shut down the internet entirely and monitor activists and journalists with digital technologies, often made in Europe. Policymakers, platforms and civil society face major challenges: They have to negotiate and decide how to deal with hate on the web and in social media without compromising freedom of expression. How more people, especially in the Global South, can get better access to the internet. And, how the data collection frenzy of the big tech companies and the dangers posed to democracy by Facebook & Co can be contained. Civil society voices call for more human rights based regulation and containment of digital capitalism." (Summary, page 6)
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"Vielfaltig, unzensiert, demokratiefördernd - das ist das Internet, hofften viele Menschen lange. Doch diese Attribute passen aus heutiger Sicht nicht - oder nur teilweise. Denn die großen digitalen Plattformen und das World Wide Web sind beides: Medien der Freiheit und der Kontrolle. Sie helfen d
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er Zivilgesellschaft vielerorts, gefährden sie aber oft auch massiv. Denn einerseits nutzen zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen, Aktivist:innen und Blogger:innen digitale Tools zur Organisation und Effizienzsteigerung ihrer Arbeit: Sie verbreiten über sie Analysen und Kampagnen und tauschen sich darüber aus. Andererseits schränken Regierungen weltweit durch Online-Zensur die Meinungs- und Pressefreiheit ein: Sie blockieren den Zugang zu bestimmten Webseiten oder Plattformen oder sperren das Netz ganz und überwachen Aktivist:innen und Journalist:innen gezielt mit digitalen Technologien, oft Made in Europe. Die Herausforderungen an Politik, Plattformen und Zivilgesellschaft sind groß: Sie müssen aushandeln und entscheiden, was dem Hass im Netz und in den Sozialen Medien entgegengesetzt werden kann, ohne dass die Meinungsfreiheit eingeschränkt wird. Wie mehr Menschen gerade im Globalen Süden einen besseren Zugang zum Internet bekommen. Und wie sich die Datensammelwut der großen Tech-Konzerne und die damit für die Demokratie von Facebook & Co. ausgehenden Gefahren eindämmen lassen. Die zivilgesellschaftlichen Stimmen mehren sich, die mehr menschenrechtsorientierte Regulierung und eine Eindämmung des digitalen Kapitalismus fordern." (Zusammengefasst, Seite 6)
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"This study aims to understand the experiences of digital creatives in Kampala, Uganda, through a gendered lens. There is a large gap in the availability of data and knowledge on the digital creative industry in Uganda and this paper aims to address some of these blindspots. To understand these expe
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riences, this body of work explores a number of sector wide concerns through exploratory qualitative research methodologies around issues of access and use of digital technologies by digital creatives, the role of emerging technologies on the sector and finally, the policy ecosystem governing the creative industry in Uganda. The paper also draws from existing literature on the traditional creative industries in Uganda given the limited scholarship on the digital creative industries in the country. Key findings of the paper include a need to clearly define the digital creative industry, which at present is largely informal. Creatives face a number of structural barriers such as negative or harmful perceptions, policies and practices which hinder the growth of the sector. The study also found a significant discriminatory and sexist trend towards women digital creatives. Lastly, the research identifies a number of untapped opportunities which have the potential to leapfrog Uganda's digital creative sector. The paper concludes by making recommendations to different key stakeholders in the sector." (Executive summary, page 1)
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"Tanzania has exercised authority on digital avenues in three main vital ways:
• Surveillance: Data governance in Tanzania has been one area that has had fewer restrictions as there are still laws that adequately speak to things such as data protection and privacy. However, laws such as the Cyberc
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rime Act provide government agencies with leeway to access certain things when it suits them.
• Internet censorship: Tanzania’s first internet shutdown happened in 2020 and did not come as a surprise, as the country had already shown red flags in terms of internet censorship. The control and regulation of who and what content is allowed online have prompted many to believe that Tanzania is on the verge of building a replica of China’s Great Firewall that will keep the space regulated and stirred by the government’s agenda.
• Legislating restrictions: This is used to constrain freedom of expression and curb speech. Press freedom has been stifled through laws, citizen journalism has been taxed, and free speech has been tagged as sedition or misinformation. It is clearing the path for the government to have the upper hand in controlling narratives and polarising opinions." (Executive summary)
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"In 2021, 105 incidents of media violations were recorded. The violations recorded by SMSJ largely targeted on-duty journalists and included: two cases of murder, 66 arrests, 14 media outlet raids, 14 physical assaults, 13 cases of harassment, and two sham trials. The figures represent an overall 62
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percent increase from 2020 (65 cases: two killed, four injured, 56 arrested, and five media shutdowns), and the highest caseload recorded in almost a decade. Two senior Somali journalists were targeted for their work and killed by Al Shabaab. Since 2017, 15 Somali journalists were killed, and according to CPJ, Somalia’s fatalities represent more than half of all journalists murdered in Africa. The scale and frequency of violations has seen a sharp dramatic rise as the government’s term expired in early 2021, and political tension caused by illegal mandate extension ensued. Street protests, violent armed clashes, and insurgency rocked the country, and the media suffered the brunt of various armed actors and political groups. Banadir region took the unenviable top spot for the third consecutive year as the most dangerous location for journalists. It accounted for nearly half of all violations, 71% of physical beatings, 37% of arrests, and 69% of threats and harassment targeted at media workers. In a bid to enforce media blackout on unfavorable political events, police and NISA officers in Banadir raided four media outlets, confiscating equipment and damaging the facilities." (Executive summary)
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"The stories presented here are some examples of how the Multi-Donor Programme for Freedom of Expression and Safety of Journalists (MDP) works to provide countries and their populations with the necessary tools to nurture a free and independent media. This includes promoting the adoption of policies
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and standards on freedom of expression and safety of journalists, and fostering diversity, gender equality and media and information literacy through and with the media." (https://en.unesco.org/themes/fostering-freedom-expression/mdp/stories)
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"This report details the legal framework / rule of law tools in place, and responses by the government, social media companies, and civil society to address illegal harmful content and potentially harmful content online in Kenya. This research draws from 13 interviews with people active in Kenya's g
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overnment and civil society, along with four workshops held in Nairobi, Kisumu, and Mombasa counties. The workshops attracted the participation of 105 actors and stakeholders from civil society, community-based organizations, technology companies, and representatives from line ministries and agencies in government. It also draws from trends gathered from Build Up' social media listening process, along with existing research, legislation, policies, and current events. The social media listening process focused on Twitter and Facebook, from 2017 to 2022, focusing on ethnic, political, and gender-based hateful narratives and peace messaging in the run-up to the next election cycle in August 2022. The literature review and interviews focused on existing legislation or company policies that address hate speech and misinformation, along with actions taken by government agencies, civil society, and technology companies to address related hate speech and misinformation narratives." (Introduction, page 1 & Methodology, page 5)
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"The research data reveal that Sudan at the time had at least 10 media-related laws in place that do not meet international standards. At the same time, the country had the benefit of an infrastructure of 30 institutions offering media education and training. Sudan has an opportunity to restructure
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its media system to align with international standards on freedom of expression and the press, the safety of journalists, as well as pluralism. To support this, the current report has formulated recommendations for stakeholders’ consideration. These possibilities for reform cover independent media regulation, the promotion of media pluralism and the improvement of the economic playing field." (Short summary)
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"1. Government should implement the Access to Information Act 2016 speedily and fully. This would help realize the Right of Access to Information and promote a culture of transparency, openness and accountability among public officials.
2. The Information and Communications Act should be revised to
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ensure that the Communications Authority is truly independent from government, following the guidelines set out by Principle 17 of the Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information in Africa.
3. The Books and Newspapers Act of 1960 should be revised and registration of publications should be allowed for administrative purposes only.
4. The regulation issued by the Kenya Film Classification Board (KFCB) for licences to be required for anyone uploading videos on social media should not be approved.
5. The Information and Communications (Amendment) Bill, which provides for the obligation to license social media platforms and blogs and heavy fines for offenders, should be withdrawn.
6. Measures to prevent concentration within and between different media sectors should be strengthened, and transparency of ownership should be ensured in media legislation.
7. The government should provide a conducive atmosphere in which community radio can thrive. Donor organizations and government both at national and county level should work together to establish a support fund for community radio." (Key recommendations, page 15)
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"This report shows that the media coverage of Gender-Based Violence (GBV) in Kenya remains insensitive, lacking in depth and seems not prioritized by mainstream media as it is with digital platforms. Journalists need to pay more attention to matters relating to GBV, considering the increasing cases
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reported and the human rights violations involved. Concern about media reporting of GBV lies within the larger thinking that gender equality lies at the core of human rights approach to development. There was lack of in-depth reporting on GBV during the COVID-19 pandemic lockdowns. The reporting also lacked sensitivity even as more stories on GBV ran digital platforms compared to those on mainstream media. Use of inappropriate language in the coverage of GBV, leading to double trauma on victims also went a notch higher even as victims were left exposed. This, especially, applied to underage and rape victims. There was also a lack of centralised statistics/data to analyse the trend, or map out hot spots for sensitization." (Executive summary)
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"From the findings of the survey, it emerges that mental issues are widespread among journalists. It is notable and concerning that among the respondents, there is generally a significant percentage of them who either lack knowledge on issues of mental health, or for those that have knowledge and ca
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n identify issues within themselves, or others have challenges with seeking help or assistance through intervention. There is a recognisable gap that newsroom managers are either inaccessible or have no capacity to implement inhouse interventions on matters of mental health. It is also clear that work related pressure and work environment are the leading causes of mental health amongst journalists. Most of the respondents believe that there is a cure for mental health related issues, which is a positive thing." (Conclusion, page 24)
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"This book Visual Cultures of Africa tells stories of the past, present, and future and how intricately linked cultures and identities are. The book explores the complex histories and discusses how people have used images, objects, and artefacts to describe what is going on in society and give expre
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ssions of their fears, hopes, and resolutions for centuries." (Preface)
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"This study reviews patterns of domestic and international media reporting and the role of disinformation, misinformation, and media bias in the Tigray conflict, which has been raging since November 2020. Since its outbreak, the conflict has evolved through four broad phases. Throughout these phases
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, the conflict was characterised by egregious violations of international human rights law, international humanitarian law and international refugee law. To analyse the role of the media in the conflict, this study reviewed local and international media, conducted interviews with local and international journalists and analysts, and consulted secondary literature. Patterns of reporting by international and local media exhibited fairly significant levels of divergence in the issues that were selected for reporting and how they were reported during these four phases of the conflict." (Executive summary)
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"This report examines at Kenyan news media coverage of the 2022 elections, focusing on four key publications, nine television stations, 11 radio stations, and three digital media channels. The report further pays particular attention to the coverage of the four presidential candidates, focusing on w
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ho appeared on the front pages of the newspapers, the volume of coverage on each of them, how much space or airtime was dedicated to each candidate across the three media platforms monitored, and the tone of coverage of the contenders. Finally, conclusions and recommendations are shared." (Introduction)
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