"This national baseline survey sets out to achieve two main objectives. First, it seeks to shed more light on and generate awareness of safety and protection issues for journalists within the profession and the public. Secondly, it seeks to provide a knowledge-based platform with which to lay future
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interventions and initiatives to address the threats for the benefit of the media industry and the country. Through detailed field data collection, analyses, interpretation and inferences, including focus group discussions and key informant interviews, the study shows an industry and profession caught between the realms of a riddle and riding on the horns of a dilemma. How to mitigate and address the issues of safety and protection on the one hand – both direct and indirect – and how to underwrite and finance the associated cost implications without undermining the imperatives of the business model is a challenge to the media owners." (Executive summary)
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"A practical guide for journalists practising in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Lesotho, Namibia, Zimbabwe and Tanzania. The handbook not only contains a comprehensive overview of applicable media laws for each country reviewed, it also contains suggestions on possible law reforms to improve
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the protection of media in these countries." (Publisher description)
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"For six months between November 2012 and April 2013, fifty citizen watchdog monitors carefully noted incidents of hate speech and dangerous speech broadcast by five radio stations in Kenya. It was part of Internews in Kenya’s Free and Fair Media (FFM) programme aimed at working with the media to
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ensure that they covered the General Election of 2013 fairly and responsibly. Known as Citizen Watchdog, the exercise was not so much one of policing as one of accountability – to check incidents of hate speech and dangerous speech on air in the run-up to the 2013 General Election, during the election, and afterwards. Citizen Watchdog ran parallel to Internews’ support to the media through its Free and Fair Media journalism training activities focused on conflict sensitive journalism practices. The five radio stations included KBC Radio Taifa (Kenya Broadcasting Corporation), three vernacular radio stations, and one Swahili broadcaster based in the coastal region. The findings of Citizen Watchdog showed a sharp decline in cases of dangerous speech documented over the six month period: from 20 in November 2012 to zero in April 2013." (Executive summary)
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"Somaliland has held several competitive and multiparty elections that have been cited by international election monitors as being ‘‘free and fair.’’ While political competition has been tolerated, or even encouraged by the governments in power, there has been a continued reluctance to allow
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private radio stations. Citing the possibility of destabilizing Somaliland’s delicate peace, arguments against the liberalization of the media include concerns of radios used to further political polarization, mobilize groups to escalate simmering conflicts and violence, and the capacity of the government to regulate media outlets. This article locates these arguments against media liberalization in the context of Somaliland’s larger nation- and state-building project suggesting that in transitions from war to peace, no matter how prolonged, there are very real concerns about processes of institutionalization and the sequencing of democratic reforms." (Abstract)
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"This book is about the workings of networks of the mobile in Africa, a continent usually associated with the ‘global shadows’ of the world. How do changes in the possibilities for communication, with the recent hype of mobile technology, influence the social and economic dynamics in Africa’s
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mobile margins? To what extent is the freedom associated with new Information and Communication Technologies reality or disillusion for people dwelling in the margins? Are ordinary Africans increasingly Side@Ways? How social are these emergent Side@Ways? Contributions to answering these and related questions are harvested from ethnographic insights by team members of the WOTRO funded ‘Mobile Africa revisited’ research programme hosted by the African Studies Centre, Leiden, The Netherlands." (Publisher description)
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"The purpose of this report is to share the key findings of the VVD radio project in Southern Madagascar after six months of broadcasts in 2012, in particular to document the design and evolution of the pilot project; feedback the outcomes to participating stakeholders; inform the donor community ab
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out the impacts of the VVD project; and provide lessons and perspectives to assist a proposed scaling up process. The document focuses on the findings of a two month evaluation process which was also informed by regular monitoring and feedback in the field during the course of the project activities." (Executive summary)
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"Susan Benesch, human rights scholar, genocide prevention fellow at the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum, and faculty associate at the Berkman Center for Internet & Society at Harvard University, has, over the last several years, developed an analytical framework for identifying ‘dangerous speech’
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that catalyzes violence (Benesch, 2008; 2013). According to Benesch, “hate speech” is a vague term that encompasses many forms of speech, only some of which may catalyze violence under certain circumstances. By creating a set of guidelines “for monitoring speech and evaluating its dangerousness, i.e., the capacity to catalyze violence by one group against another,” Benesch aims to inform policies that reduce incitement to violence through speech while protecting free speech (Benesch, 2013). Among questions about these ambitious guidelines were how they could be used to make audiences more skeptical of incitement and therefore less likely to succumb to it. In the summer of 2012, Benesch teamed up with Media Focus on Africa (MFA) and the cast and crew of a Kenyan television comedy drama series, Vioja Mahakamani (referred to as Vioja throughout this report). The collaboration aimed to “inoculate” audiences against inciting speech, and make them more skeptical of it, by increasing understanding of what constitutes incitement to violence, the psychology behind incitement that helps prepare groups of people to condone or even take part in violence, and its consequences. This was accomplished through two avenues: 1) by applying her ideas through a medium that would entertain and educate the Kenyan public, and 2) by training the cast of the show so that they could become local agents of change, circulating this information outside the context of the television program. This evaluation was partially tasked with examining whether audiences did indeed become more skeptical of inciting speech." (Page 2)
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"The report concluded there was low climate change coverage in Tanzania from 2005 to 2008, but that coverage increased just after 2009; this was mainly due to international negotiations and agreements around the world that played a major role in shaping the REDD+ discourse, including in Tanzania. Mo
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st articles published from 2009 touched on how REDD+ will fit into the country in relation to the existing tenure system, benefit sharing and opportunity cost in relation to other land uses and resource ownership rights. There were debates on how REDD+ and conservation will improve economic growth and boost livelihood conditions. As the country was getting more and more of a grip on what REDD+ is all about, the discourse started to shift between scales; media started to get curious about issues such as benefit sharing, the carbon accounting system, and monitoring and verification. This has raised stakes and interest both for and against REDD+. The pro-REDD+ side — mainly civil society organizations (CSOs) and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) — see REDD+ as a game changer, while doubting it could fit with existing policies and the institutional framework of natural resources governance and management in Tanzania." (Executive summary)
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"The articles contained in this special issue build on the conversations initiated at the Cairo Symposium and try to make sense of the shifts and transformations in media and gender relations in Africa. Some bring new perspectives to bear on how traditional media (newspapers, magazines, radio and te
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levision) continue to be implicated in questions of gender, while others address new questions raised by new media forms and formats. Four articles (three in French and one in English) tackle the impact of ICTs and social media from different theoretical perspectives, locations and experiences (see Palmieri, Kane, Rouamba and Mbure). Three other articles examine the representational practices of newspapers and magazines in political and social discourses relating to gender (see Anate, Ossome and Eshiet). The contribution by Chiweshe and Bhatasara reflects on popular culture, specifically the construction of gender in music, while that of Yeboah and Thompson examine on the outstanding qualities that enable three women to rise to decision-making positions in the public relations, advertising and broadcast industries in Ghana." (Introduction, page 2-3)
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"Community radio is often theorized as being (1) independent from political and economic influence and (2) a platform for the meaningful engagement of marginalized populations traditionally excluded by its private and commercial cousins. Contrasting this theoretical model against the reality of prac
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tice, this study argues that the theorized benefits of community radio are unlikely to be realized given the reality of donor, rather than community, funding structures. Voices from 64 in-depth interviews reveal a community radio environment in East Africa that is significantly influenced by the interests – both political and economic – of external donors. Rather than engendering meaningful participation in media-making, this study also demonstrates that donor funding has caused some communities to assume recipient roles in the communication process." (Journalism)
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"Through the lens of China in Africa, this paper explores the transformations in the relationship between the Internet and the state. China’s economic success, impressive growth of Internet users and relative stability have quietly promoted an example of how the Internet can be deployed within the
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larger political and economic strategies of developing states, moving beyond the democratization paradigm promoted in the West. New evidence suggests that this model is becoming increasingly popular, but it is not clear why and how it is spreading. Through a case study comparison of an emerging democracy, Kenya, and a semiauthoritarian country, Ethiopia, where China has recently increased its involvement in the communications sector, this paper investigates whether and how the ideas of state stability, development and community that characterize the strategies pursued by the Chinese government are influencing and legitimizing the development of a less open model of the Internet. It analyses how new ideas, technologies and norms integrate with existing ones and which factors influence their adoption or rejection. It is based on fieldwork conducted in Ethiopia and in Kenya between 2011 and 2013, where data was collected through mapping Internet related projects involving Chinese companies and authorities, analysing Internet policies and regulations, and interviewing officials in Ministries of Communication, media lawyers, Internet activists, and Chinese employed in the media and telecommunication sector in Kenya and Ethiopia." (Abstract)
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"The Advocates Coalition for Development and Environment (ACODE) together with the International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED) organised a two and a half day training workshop from 20th to 22nd February 2013, for the Uganda-Poverty and Conservation Learning Group members (U-PCLG)
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and journalists from various electronic and print media houses. The major objectives of the workshop were: for the U-PCLG members to learn and acquire skills on how to become an effective policy advocacy network; for journalists to learn how to report on poverty and biodiversity conservation." (Background and Introduction, page 4)
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"This paper will critically explore why mobile phones have drawn so much interest from the conflict management community in Kenya, and develop a general set of factors to explain why mobile phones can have a positive effect on conflict prevention efforts generally. Focusing on theories of informatio
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n asymmetry and security dilemmas, collective action problems, and the role of third party actors in conflict prevention, it aims to continue the discussion around Pierskalla and Hollenbach’s recent research on mobile phones and conflict risk. Given the successful, high profile uses of mobile phone-based violence prevention in Kenya I will identify a set of political and social factors that contribute to the success of crowdsourcing programs that use mobile phones, and explain what makes them transferable across cases for conflict prevention in other countries. The primary findings are that a population must prefer non-violence since technology is a magnifier of human intent, that the events of violence start and stop relative to specific events, the population knows to use their phones to share information about potential violence, and that there are third party actors involved in collecting and validating the crowdsourced data." (Abstract)
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