"Die Sowjetdiktatur war von Staatsverbrechen kaum vorstellbaren Ausmaßes geprägt. Insbesondere gilt dies für die Periode von der Oktoberrevolution 1917 bis zum Tod Josef Stalins 1953: Sie umfasst den Bürgerkrieg, die sogenannten Säuberungen, das Gulag-System und zahlreiche weitere Akte massiver
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staatlicher Gewalt und Willkür. Auf welche Weise wurde der Verbrechen in der Sowjetunion und im postsowjetischen Russland gedacht? Der Philologe und Kulturwissenschaftler Nikolai Epplée zeichnet den Umgang mit diesen Staatsverbrechen von 1953 bis 2019 nach. Er legt dar, dass sich in Russland nie eine kritische Erinnerung an die Verbrechen etablieren konnte, welche die Verantwortlichkeiten aufarbeitet und daraus Konsequenzen für die Zukunft zieht. Zwar gründeten sich zahlreiche zivilgesellschaftliche Initiativen, die sich für neue Formen des Gedenkens einsetzten und diese erprobten. In den vergangenen Jahren unter der Herrschaft Wladimir Putins seien diese jedoch zunehmender Repression bis hin zum Verbot ausgesetzt worden. Gleichzeitig erfuhr der Diktator Stalin eine Rehabilitierung in Namen einer heroisch ausgerichteten, für politische Zwecke instrumentalisierten Nationalgeschichtsschreibung. Der Autor zeigt auf, wie in anderen Ländern - in Argentinien, Spanien, Südafrika, Polen, Deutschland und Japan - Staatsverbrechen in der eigenen Vergangenheit aufgearbeitet wurden. Er versucht daraus Schlüsse für einen Umgang mit der verbrecherischen Vergangenheit in Russland zu ziehen, der auch Konsequenzen für die Gegenwart und Zukunft der russischen Gesellschaft hätte." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This edited collection seeks to better understand how journalism across cultures differs, presenting an in-depth exploration of global practices that departs from the typical Western-centric approach. Journalists across the world are trained, generally speaking, within Western models of reporting a
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nd are taught to do so as a practice where reporters need to aspire and aim for. Yet what such training is short of achieving is teaching reporters how to 'do' journalism within their own environments. In turn, what is required is a method of journalistic training and practice that is reflective of the actual practice reporters encounter on the ground. In order to do so, a better understanding of how journalism is practised in different parts of the world, the context surrounding such practices, the issues and challenges associated, and the positive practices that Western journalism can offer, is necessary. Promoting and deploying a culturally-specific and politically-relevant journalism, this book provides just that." (Publisher description)
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"The aim of this volume is to interpret photography as a specific tool that reifies reality, subjectively frames it, and fits it into various political, ideological, commercial, scientific, and artistic contexts. Without reducing the entire argument to the binary of ‘photography and power’, the
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authors reveal the different modes of seeing that involve distinct cultural norms, social practices, power relations, levels of technology, and networks for circulating photography, and that determined the manner of its (re)use in constructing various images of Central Asia. The volume demonstrates that photography was the cornerstone of imperial media governance and discourse construction in colonial Turkestan of the tsarist and early Soviet periods. The various cases show the complex mechanisms by which images of Turkestan were created, remembered, or forgotten from the nineteenth until the twenty-first century." (Publisher description)
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"Drawing on the author’s and other media trainers’ experiences over a 25-year period, this book provides important insights into tailoring training programs to specific regions and countries. Case studies describe training in radio and television management, broadcasting, and media sustainabilit
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y, and are contextualized against the cultural and historical backgrounds of each region." (Publisher description)
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"Cold War media cultures are typically remembered in terms of an East-West binary, emphasizing conflict and propaganda. Remapping Cold War Media, however, offers a different perspective on the period, illuminating the extensive connections between media industries and cultures in Europe's Cold War E
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ast and their counterparts in the West and Global South. These connections were forged by pragmatic, technological, economic, political, and aesthetic forces; they had multiple, at times conflicting, functions and meanings. And they helped shape the ways in which media circulates today—from film festivals, to satellite networks, to coproductions. Considering film, literature, radio, photography, computer games, and television, Remapping Cold War Media offers a transnational history of postwar media that spans Eastern and Western Europe, the Nordic countries, Cuba, the United States, and beyond. Contributors draw on extensive archival research to reveal how media traveled across geopolitical boundaries; the processes of translation, interpretation, and reception on which these travels depended; and the significance of media form, content, industries, and infrastructures then and now." (Publisher description)
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"This collection covers the major trends of the media environment of the post-Communist world and their recent development, with special focus on Russia and the post-Soviet space. The term ‘media environment’ covers not just traditional print and electronic media, but new media as well, and rang
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es from the political to entertainment and various artistic spheres. What role do market forces play in the process of media democratization, and how do state structures regulate, suppress, or use capitalism toward their own gain? What degree of informational pluralism has been achieved in the newly independent republics? What are the prospects for transparency and the participation of civil society in Russian and Eurasian media? To what degree do trends in post-Communist media reflect global trends? Is there a worldwide convergence with regard to both media formats and political messaging? Western observers usually pay their keenest attention to the role of media in Russia and Eurasia during national elections. While this is a valid focus, the present volume [...] aims at understanding the deeper overall ‘media philosophies’ that characterize post-Soviet media systems and environments, and the type of identity formation that they are promoting." (Publisher description)
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"Der Zerfall von Staaten ist eine wesentliche Bedrohung für die Bürger der betroffenen Länder und für die internationale Sicherheit. Wenn ein Staat seine essenziellen Aufgaben nicht mehr erfüllen kann, versuchen andere Akteure diese Lücken zu schließen. Aber wie kommt es dazu, dass Nationalst
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aaten zunehmend fragil werden oder in letzter Konsequenz buchstäblich zerfallen? Kai Hirschmann zeigt die Dynamik solcher Prozesse und identifiziert zentrale Ursachen: konstruierte Staatsgebilde infolge kolonialer Grenzziehungen, schwache oder delegitimierte Institutionen sowie Eingriffe von außen. Wie die Dekonstruktion von Staaten in der Praxis verläuft, beschreibt er anhand etlicher Beispiele: etwa in den Nachfolgestaaten der Sowjetunion, in den im Umbruch befindlichen Ländern der arabischen Welt, in ressourcenreichen aber künstlichen Staaten in Afrika, in stark von Organisierter Kriminalität geprägten Staaten in Lateinamerika sowie in Mitgliedstaaten der Europäischen Union, die mit separatistischen Bestrebungen konfrontiert sind. Einen besonderen Fokus legt Hirschmann dabei auch auf den Zusammenhang zwischen Staatszerfall und Dschihadismus, wie er sich in Irak, Syrien, Jemen, Libyen, Nigeria und Somalia besonders eklatant zeigt. So unterschiedlich die Beispiele scheinen mögen, so sehr hilft seine präzise Analyse dabei, das Phänomen fragiler Staaten theoretisch fassbar zu machen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Russia still aspires to influence the news media in the former Soviet republics. The objective appears to be to manipulate their media environments in order to promote dependence on Russia and distrust of the West and to help Russia to pursue its political and commercial objectives–such as persua
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ding former Soviet republics to adhere to the Eurasian Customs Union or promoting opposition to the United States and NATO. The push by Russia to influence the media among its near neighbors not only marks an important thrust of Russian foreign policy, it also poses a major challenge to the international media development community." (CIMA website)
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"The main purpose of the first Wage Indicator Global Wage Report – Gender Pay Gap in Journalism is to compare international and gender wage differentials for the journalist workforce. In addition to wages comparison, other important areas of journalists’ employment are studied, namely: (a) emplo
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yee benefits, (b) working hours, (c) satisfaction with various aspects of job, (d) and satisfaction with life as a whole. Some of the main findings include: (a) Median gross wages of journalists range from 458 international dollars ($) in Indonesia to 3705$ in Germany across the studied countries (b) In 14 out of 16 studied countries male wages dominate female wages. In fact, male wages exceed female wages in all 16 studied countries as soon as we account for the differences in characteristics between men and women, that is, calculate equivalent pay gaps for comparable men and women. (c) Equivalent pay gap (accounting for differences in characteristics), disadvantaging female journalists, is largest in Belgium (-25%), Indonesia (-22%) and the Netherlands (-20%); the smallest equivalent pay gaps are observed in the Czech Republic (-5%) and Brazil (-9%)." (Executive summany)
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"This wide range of contemporary mass media research illustrates how Central Asia press outlets remain tightly controlled and manipulated, first under the czars, then under the Soviets, and now under authoritarian regimes. Over the past two decades, the press systems have not achieved even minimal d
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emocratization and independence by international standards. Perhaps the Internet and other technologies will have a better chance of circumventing censors and the economic obstacles that deny the great mass of Central Asians the ability to participate in a useful dialog leading to more transparent and participatory governance. Several overarching observations emerge from this synthesized examination of recent research. The five separate press systems that replaced the single Soviet system share many commonalities, although significant differences also exist. These studies indicate varying but not decisive degrees of external influences from multi-governmental entities, media-building foundations, and promoters of civil society; such influences on Central Asian media development originate with mostly Western-based journalism and mass media trainers. Another observation concerns regimes’ use and abuse of laws to control information about public affairs and public issues. That pattern evident from several studies reflects a disconnect between constitutional and statutory guarantees of press freedom on one side and actual threats to those guarantees on the other side due to libel and “honor and dignity” suits, criminal prosecutions, and tightening regulation of the Internet. Examined collectively, these studies suggest the following obstacles to democratic and independent media development in Central Asia: strict governmental and extra-governmental restraints on the press, regardless of the type of medium—print, broadcast, or Internet; inadequate professional training, leadership, resources, financial incentives, and ethical standards for journalists and prospective journalists; limitations on the ability of domestic and international press and human rights defenders to compel changes in policies and laws; insufficient market resources to create and sustain independent news organizations; and a resulting lack of credibility and public trust in the press." (Summary and conclusions, page 142)
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"Draws together thinking and analysis that covers the breadth and depth of the media development landscape. The opening section, 'Why Media Matters: Global Perspectives' gathers the work of several thought leaders on major trends that cut across both the communications and development policy arenas;
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this is followed by an examination of the current debate that is engaging researchers, development professionals and media assistance experts alike, namely 'How Media Matters: Measuring its Impact'. The third section, 'Challenges in Media Matters: Practitioner Experiences' presents a range of regional and sectoral case studies, and the final section forms a guide to current information sources and studies of the field of media support, in 'Mapping the Sector - Literature, Surveys and Resources'. Media matters has four key aims: 1 To help development policy makers and practitioners understand the relevance of vibrant, independent media systems to their wider goals; 2 To highlight work on the evidence of the relationship between media, communications and the development agenda; 3 To flag key global and regional trends and opportunities in media assistance; 4 To map the media assistance sector, its growing body of literature, and the emerging international research partnerships that will help define its priorities to 2015." (Overview + executive summary)
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"This is an entirely new edition of the author’s 1984 study (originally published by South End Press) of radical media and movements. The first and second sections are original to this new edition. The first section explores social and cultural theory in order to argue that radical media should be
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a central part of our understanding of media in history. The second section weaves an historical and international tapestry of radical media to illustrate their centrality and diversity, from dance and graffiti to video and the internet and from satirical prints and street theatre to culture-jamming, subversive song, performance art and underground radio. The section also includes consideration of ultra-rightist media as a key contrast case. The book’s third section provides detailed case studies of the anti-fascist media explosion of 1974-75 in Portugal, Italy’s long-running radical media, radio and access video in the USA, and illegal media in the dissolution of the former Soviet bloc dictatorships." (Publisher description)
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"S'il y a eu moins de journalistes tués dans l'ensemble du monde en 1997 - vingt-six journalistes sont morts dans l'exercice de leur fonction -, les autres formes de violations de la liberté de la presse ne se sont pas atténuées. Il y avait, au 1er janvier 1998, environ 90 journalistes emprisonn
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és pour leurs activités professionnelles. Les agressions, interpellations, arrestations, condamnations d'éditeurs et de journalistes, les saisies et la censure de publications sont demeurées à peu près les mêmes que les années précédentes. Le planisphère de la liberté n'a pas non plus changé d'apparence. Sur les 185 Etats qui siègent aux Nations Unies, la situation demeure mauvaise dans quatre-vingt pays, et extrêmement mauvaise dans au moins trente autres. Il n'y a pas de surprise : la carte de la liberté de la presse coïncide avec celle de la démocratie et du respect des droits de l'homme. Si l'on s'était fait des illusions, on ne les a plus : l'implosion de l'empire soviétique et l'effondrement du modèle communiste au début des années 90 n'ont pas signifié la fin du totalitarisme. La bête a la vie dure. Le rapport de Reporters sans frontières analyse la situation de 140 pays de tous les continents." (Description de la maison d'édition)
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