"Even Al-Jazeera, the first all-news channel widely considered independent, is primarily a tool in the Qatari government's hands to consolidate its existence, and fight its media wars with Saudi Arabia, provoking anger in the Arab and Western world. Al-Quaeda's relationship to Al-Jazeera, thus, cann
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ot be understood outside of this context: both parties' conflict with Saudi Arabia created a symbiotic mutually beneficial relationship binding them together." (Page 203)
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"Many have attributed anti-American sentiment within Arab countries to a highly negative information environment propagated by transnational Arab satellite TV news channels such as Al-Jazeera. However, theoretical models and empirical evidence evaluating the linkages between media exposure and opini
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on about the United States remains scant. Drawing on theories of media effects, identity, and public opinion, this article develops a theoretical framework explicating how the influence of transnational Arab TV on opinion formation is contingent on competing political identities within the region. Employing 5 years of survey data collected across six Arab countries, we empirically test several propositions about the relationship between Arab TV exposure and public opinion about the United States generated by our theoretical framework. Our results demonstrate significant associations between transnational Arab TV exposure and anti-American sentiment, but also show these associations vary substantially by channel and political identification. The theoretical and policy implications of the study are discussed." (Abstract)
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"The media intervention programs and training initiatives for Arabs reflect hegemonies and dependencies. Taking into consideration the absence of a public cinema infrastructure in the Arab World and thus the lack of institutional representation or backing for film-makers leads one to question to wha
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t degree the director can control her/his story. Or in other words, to what extent the films, which are read as national works, can reflect debates or atmospheres in their country of origin at all? The decoding of films, not only from the Middle East, is in many cases national, as the case of Paradise Now showed. Critics’ reactions to Waltz with Bashir suggest that the reading of the film is connected to the actual political experience within the region versus political assumptions about it, a rather regional reading. An aspect entirely missing in the Western decoding process of films from the Middle East is the question who was involved in the encoding. The critics, who translate the film to the wider audience, focus on the films’ subjects or manipulations, rather than on the economic and institutional backing of the creation and thus interests behind it. After completing the film it is solely the director who has to defend the work as a statement from and about her/his country. Regardless of formal ownership and the involvement of co-producing states these films are marketed as documents from and about the country in which the story takes place. The majority of co-productions by directors from the Middle East, like the majority of films produced at all, get little attention. It is the films with international recognition, be it by box office numbers or debates that are remembered. One could easily assume that Paradise Now will become part of a Palestinian collective memory. Yet, without physical archives in the Arab countries, and Palestine not even being a state, how long will the co-produced movies be accessible as part of cultural heritage? In French and German archives the film rolls will be stored and made accessible, it is in Europe where Arabs will still have to look for their cultural memory in the distant future." (Conclusion, page 11-12)
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"The political landscape of individual countries, including their level of internal legitimacy and perceived vulnerability to political extremists, influences the level of media freedom enjoyed in that country at any given moment. In many MENA countries, media freedom is a privilege bestowed by mona
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rchs and dictators, not an immutable right enshrined in law, despite the existence of press freedom clauses in some constitutions. Therefore, Arab broadcast channels can be “unmade” as easily as they were made. The absence of media company consolidation in the region suggests that owners want to broadcast their own choice of content, including news content, which in turn suggests that media in the region are not viewed as a business venture but as a political tool. Television viewers in the MENA region are generally aware of broadcast ownership, particularly of the bigger stations, and expect a political slant to the news. The general expectation is that no one is broadcasting just for the sake of informing the public, so it is assumed that all the owners have agendas. Private television, whether terrestrial or satellite, is much more threatening to ruling elites than private newspapers, which are easier to censor in advance and to physically disrupt. Thus, governments have been very careful to vet owners prior to granting licenses to private television stations." (Executive summary, page 5)
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"There is a lack of comparative statistics on media and communication, and this is a fundamental problem. National media statistics are very poor in many countries. But some comparative statistics already available within different international and regional organisations and institutions could be m
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uch more elaborated. Still, compiling comparative media and communication statistics is not an easy task. Despite the challenges, Nordicom has made an attempt – though on a very limited scale – and the results are presented in the current publication. Nordicom has collected and compiled statistics from a large number of sources in order to provide a more comprehensive overview of international media and communication statistics, primarily concerning television and the Internet." (Foreword, page 7)
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"This article introduces issues associated with Islamic apps for mobile devices, and surveys some of the products that have emerged into the market. It considers the potential impact of mobile phone interfaces in relation to interpretations of Islam and the use of Islamic resources, given that mobil
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e devices have widened potential audiences for online materials in various forms, especially in areas where other forms of digital access may be more problematic. The article also explores some of the religious and ethical concerns associated with mobile phone use." (Abstract)
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"The main objective of this booklet is to provide an overview of current initiatives and projects focusing on Communication for Development applied to natural resources management and agriculture in the region, assess the main challenges, and identify links and opportunities to strengthen their coll
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aboration and further advance Communication for Development in the region." (Preface)
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"Since the mid 1990s the European Union (EU) and its member states, most prominently France and Germany, have encouraged cinematic co-productions between Europe and the Middle East. A large number of films were completed within various EU support and cooperation programmes, ranging from special inte
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rest documentaries to Oscar-nominated movies like Paradise Now (2005) or Ajami (2010). As Arab Middle Eastern countries do not have a cinemafunding system of their own, the film-makers depend on cooperation with Europe. While the European partners pride themselves on the success of supported films, the Middle Eastern side is increasingly denouncing a ‘new colonialism’. The displeasure derives from the assertion that the subjects of supported films are limited to Western stereotypes of the Middle East, as well as the fact that a core condition of nearly all financial support is the employment of European crews. Within this scope, how can stories be told, and which ones remain untold?" (Abstract)
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"Formal journalism ethics, as laid out in codes of ethics by journalism associations and the like, is part of a wider debate on media ethics that has been triggered in the Middle East due to the advent of global media in the region. This study compares journalism codes from Europe and the Islamic wo
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rld in order to revisit the widespread academic assumption of a deep divide between Western and Oriental philosophies of journalism that has played a role in many debates on political communication in the area. The analysis shows that there is a broad intercultural consensus that standards of truth and objectivity should be central values of journalism. Norms protecting the private sphere are, in fact, more pronounced in countries of the Near and Middle East, North Africa, and in the majority of Muslim states in Asia than is generally the case in Europe, although the weighing of privacy protection against the public's right to information is today a component of most journalistic codes of behavior in Islamic countries. Obvious differences between the West and many Islamic countries are to be found in the status accorded to freedom of expression. Although ideas of freedom have entered formal media ethics in the Middle East and the Islamic world, only a minority of documents limit the interference into freedom to cases where other fundamental rights (e.g., privacy) are touched, whereas the majority would have journalists accept political, national, religious, or cultural boundaries to their work. Despite existing differences between Western and Middle Eastern/Islamic journalism ethics and in contrast to the overall neoconservative (Islamist) trends in societal norms, formal journalism ethics has been a sphere of growing universalization throughout the last decades." (Abstract)
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