"Surveillance infrastructure in China monitors and enables authorities to react to potential risky, miscreant or criminal behaviour. What type of behaviours are perceived to be so, is determined in large part by ideology. Therefore, surveillance infrastructure relies on the machinery of ideology to
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define the boundaries of its use. In this paper, we outline six key ideological concepts relating to governance in Xi Jinping’s China that have helped to expand the boundaries of surveillance. We identify terms embedded in promotional material of Hikvision and other surveillance technology firms as a springboard for conceptual discussion. The aim is to survey the ideological lexicon of concepts that position surveillance within the Party-state’s broad capacity-building ambitions for governance in Xi’s China. This positioning amplifies the political responsibility of state, social and market actors to work together to broaden surveillance activities for ‘society-building’ purposes, and ultimately for the realisation of Xi Jinping’s goal of National Rejuvenation." (Abstract)
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"This article focuses on the launch by the Chinese company Huawei of ICT academies in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), and Kenya especially. Existing literature shows contrasting findings concerning the impact of such formation and recruitment centres. Through high-level thematic and sentiment analyses, th
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is article examines various Huawei accounts on social networking sites (SNSs) – that is, Facebook and Twitter – in order to better assess: (1) the kind of online corporate communication unfolded by the company with particular regard to these centres; and (2) how the advertising of such centres is perceived by users. The results suggest that Huawei’s online corporate requires better fine-tuning with local SNSs’ users." (Abstract)
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"[This publication] outlines how organised disinformation campaigns or Information Operations have become the latest variable to impact the quality of elections in the kingdom [...] Drawn from past evidence, the report identifies four forms of state-sponsored disinformation campaigns that are likely
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to impact the quality of the 2023 elections. First, the creation and dissemination of one-sided pro-establishment campaigns. Second, the online harassment of those who hold alternative political views. Third, the spread of disinformation to distort the election process. Fourth, the use of disinformation to polarise and divide society. Together these state-sponsored actions stand to decrease electoral integrity and shape the outcome of the 2023 general election. To address the impact of state-sponsored disinformation and other forms of disinformation, this report recommends the following multi-stakeholder action: call for a cease to Information Operations; identify, monitor and call out agencies and actors who engage in and endorse disinformation; review the country’s regulatory framework to ensure that its provisions are on par with international standards and support electoral integrity; and improve fact-checking mechanisms and provide digital literary to Thai people." (Executive summary)
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"The survey found that 13% of respondents’ organizations are very familiar with Gen AI, while an additional 46% possess a basic awareness. Among those who stated they had basic to good familiarity with Gen AI, 38% reported using it either daily or very frequently. The most common use of Gen AI was
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for research and idea generation, followed by content creation & copy editing, and translation. In terms of the platform, ChatGPT was by far the most widely used, followed by Bing AI, Midjourney, and Dall-E. The majority of respondents (94%) stated that they found Gen AI to be either very useful or somewhat useful. Furthermore 67% of respondents view the future of Gen AI as either very promising (22%) or promising (45%)." (Key findings, page 1)
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"Through interviews with women journalists in the Philippines, this study documents and examines their experiences with online harassment. Three main themes stand out. First, we find that online harassment against journalists follows a systematic process that starts from the top, is followed through
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by a network of social media personalities and an army of trolls, and then completed by ordinary social media users. Second, cases of harassment impact journalists across multiple levels: individually, interpersonally and professionally. Finally, the participants referred to different ways of coping with what they experienced and identified three sources of support: their peers, their organizations and the public. Harassment against journalists has always been gendered, with women journalists finding themselves at the receiving end more often than do their male counterparts, and this has spilled over into digital platforms." (Abstract)
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"Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine dominates observed Foreign Information Manipulation and Interference (FIMI) activity. Ukraine and its representatives have been the direct target of 33 incidents. In 60 out of 100 incidents, supporting the invasion was the main motivation behind the attack. D
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iplomatic channels are an integral part of FIMI incidents. Russia's diplomatic channels regularly serve as enablers of FIMI operations. They are deployed across wide range of topics. China also uses diplomatic channels, mostly targeting the US. Impersonation techniques become more sophisticated. Impersonations of international and trusted organisations and individuals are used by Russian actors particularly to target Ukraine. Print and TV media are most often impersonated, with magazines seeing their entire style copied. FIMI actor collusion exists but is limited. Official Russian actors were involved in 88 analysed FIMI incidents. Chinese actors were involved in 17. In at least 5 cases, both actors engaged jointly. FIMI is multilingual. Incidents do not occur in just one language; content is translated and amplified in multiple languages. Incidents featured at least 30 languages, 16 of which are EU-languages. Russia used a larger variety of languages than Chinese actors but 44% of Russian content targeted a Russian-speaking populations, while 36% targeted English-speaking populations. FIMI is mostly intended to distract and distort. Russia (42%) and China (56%) mostly intend to direct attention to a different actor or narrative or to shift blame ('distract'). Russia attempts to change the framing and narrative ('distort') relatively more often (35%) than China (18%). FIMI remains mostly image and video based. The cheap and easy production and distribution of image and video material online makes these formats still the most commonly used." (Executive summary)
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"This study looks at the effects of Chinese cultural diplomacy on the African continent. While for a long time China's investments in large infrastructure projects were viewed positively, Joffe now notes a growing awareness both in civil society and in government agencies of ambivalent consequences.
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Many African countries are now groaning under the burden of debt, and about two-thirds of new loans now come from China. This study provides insight into Chinese investments, particularly in the area of international cultural policy. The study's findings highlight the complexity of Chinese engagement in Africa and the various facets of its associated impacts. The author suggests that African actors should ensure that a more equitable engagement develops, where conditions are determined by local needs and culture, and more aggressively advocate for equality, needs, and respect for national sovereignty." (Back cover)
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"Cultural diplomacy has been one component of China’s foreign policy since its very foundation. However, it is only in recent decades that culture has been wielded as a tool to serve high-reaching goals commensurate with China’s rising superpower status and its capacity to contend for global heg
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emony. This study examines China’s recent efforts to enhance cultural exchanges in multilateral and regional platforms. The primary aim is to analyse the rationale, motivations, main initiatives and strategies underpinning China’s cultural diplomacy based on a conceptual framework centred on the notions of cultural diplomacy and hegemonic transition. The author begins by presenting the guiding conceptual framework and providing an overview of China’s overall cultural diplomacy approach over the last two decades. The analysis then delves into China’s engagement in well-established and new multilateral platforms such as UNESCO, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the BRICS group, and regional forums established between China and developing regions. Shifting the focus to Latin America, the research investigates the China-Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) Forum (CCF) as a platform for cultural exchanges and an instrument of China’s cultural diplomacy, and systematizes its cultural initiatives, prioritized areas, key actors involved, and strategies." (Back cover)
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"This article examines the sustainability of community radio, the ‘third pillar’ of Indonesia’s democratic media system, after twenty years of government recognition. It focuses particularly on the strategies adopted by the Indonesian Community Radio Network (Jaringan Radio Komunitas Indonesia
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, JRKI) – Indonesia’s largest community radio network – to maintain its survival, with a strong emphasis on funding models. This article is based on a review of relevant documents (reports from local and international agencies) and semi-structured interviews with informants from JRKI’s central board and its partners. It is further enriched with a critical analysis of Indonesian broadcast policies and a review of community radio funding models in developed countries. Through its analysis, this article shows that community radio network in Indonesia is facing a managerial and financial crisis, one that leaves its sustainability in question. It also finds that the sustainability of JRKI and its members depends on the political climate and that the organization requires friendly regulations as well as partnerships with local and national public institutions. The recent trend (2015–21) of establishing partnerships with various government bodies has resulted in the association becoming increasingly state-driven in its management." (Abstract)
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"This study investigates how Islamic fundamentalists groups in Indonesia use Twitter to communicate with their stakeholders to achieve organizational goals. Based on previous work, three main functions of the use of social media by organizations were examined: spreading information, building and mai
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ntaining communities, and mobilizing for action. Based on an analysis of 2000 coded tweets from 20 Islamic fundamentalist accounts in Indonesia, the results showed that using Twitter for spreading information is by far the most frequently used function for Islamic fundamentalist groups in Indonesia, followed by community building and mobilizing for action. Our analysis of the effect of the different uses of Twitter shows that in terms of reach (i.e. retweets), there is an advantage in using Twitter to spread information compared to calling for action in terms of retweeting and – to a lesser extent – to building a community." (Abstract)
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"A total of 4,094 news stories were collected and analysed across 12 selected media outlets for a period of one month, from 2 January 2023 to 31 January 2023, by trained monitors. This study revealed a grim picture of women’s under-representation and misrepresentation in Cambodian news. This is a
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call to action for media owners and managers, senior editors, journalists, journalist associations to be intentional about women’s presence and portrayal in the news, to report the news from women’s perspectives and to regard women in news as an everyday topic rather than a marginalised topic. It is also a call to action to the Royal Government of Cambodia to support the Ministry of Women’s Affairs to monitor women’s presence and portrayal in news and in media outlets and to call out breaches to the Joint Prakas On Media Code of Conduct for Reporting on Violence Against Women, and to redress the gender imbalance of government spokespeople across all Ministries. This study did not extend to examining the impact on society of women being under-represented and misrepresented in news. Nevertheless, we do know that news media help shape public discourse and who or what is selected to appear in the news and how individuals are portrayed can influence people’s attitudes, beliefs and behaviours (Flood & Pease, 2009).
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"This report outlines the actions driven towards inclusive education, including skill-based training, online learning and classroom settings, and low-tech to high-tech assistive technology (AT). Skill-based training, one of the most important skills for Persons with Disabilities (PWDs), covers life
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skills, vocational training, mobility training, communication and social training, and academic training. This report emphasizes the AT for enabling inclusive education for the PWDs, opening a broader perspective on technology serving this purpose, i.e., physical and digital products that assist PWDs in achieving their goals. However, eight common challenges, shared by the six countries, have been identified: the need to strengthen policies, critical budget, poor implementation, lack of training, limited access, lack of awareness, negative attitude, and cultural and language barriers. These challenges are viewed as interconnected, as none can be resolved without involving another, posing another level of challenge to be implemented, in need of strategies and proper planning for a concerted effort to put forth by each country. Nonetheless, the countries remain steadfast and continue strengthening their policies and efforts toward inclusive education for PWDs." (Abstract)
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"The three countries [Bosnia and Herzegovina, Indonesia, and Kenya] provide evidence of online hate speech and disinformation affecting human rights offline. The evidence is not comprehensive yet clear enough to raise serious concerns. Online gender-based violence is also reported as critical in the
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three countries. In the three countries, national legislation to address harmful content shows some degree of inconsistency in comparison to international standards, notably in relation to the protection of freedom of expression. The reasons for such inconsistency vary among countries. The effective enforcement of legal frameworks is uneven in all three countries. Social and cultural inequalities are often reproduced in government or judicial decisions, and vagueness in legislation opens space for discretionary decisions. Platform companies have offices in Indonesia and Kenya, but not in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the three countries, there is a lack of transparency in how companies allocate the roles of moderation tasks, including the number of different language moderators and their trusted partners and sources. Companies do not process content moderation in some of the main local languages and community standards are not entirely or promptly available in local languages." (Executive summary)
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"This article investigates the role of community radio in fostering good governance at the local level in the setting of Indonesia. Using the example of PASS FM Radio, this article demonstrates how community radio has fulfilled the purpose and function of media as a public sphere. As a community rad
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io station, PASS FM has not only succeeded in breaking down communication barriers between citizens and the local administration, but it has also presented solutions for optimising local potential. PASS FM Radio has also succeeded in partnering with the government to jointly serve the public interest and support the ideals of good governance, with the main features of transparency and public participation." (Abstract)
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"Populists and the Pandemic examines the responses of populist political actors and parties in 22 countries around the globe to the Covid-19 pandemic, in terms of their attitudes, rhetoric, mobilization repertoires, and policy proposals. The responses of some populist leaders have received much publ
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ic attention, as they denied the severity of the public health crisis, denigrated experts and data, looked for scapegoats, encouraged protests, questioned the legitimacy of liberal institutions, spread false information, and fueled conspiracies. But how widespread are those particular reactions? How much variation is there? What explains the variation that does exist? This volume considers these questions through critical analysis of countries in the Americas, Europe, Asia, and Africa, by leading experts with deep knowledge of their respective cases. Some chapters focus on populist parties, others on charismatic populist leaders. Some countries examined are democracies, others autocracies. Some populists are left-wing, others right-wing. Some populists are in government, others in opposition. This variation allows for a panoramic consideration of factors that systematically influence or mediate populist responses to the pandemic. The book thus makes a unique contribution to our understanding of the intersection between two of the most pressing social and political challenges of our time. The book will be of interest to all those researching populism, extremism, and political parties, and those more broadly interested in political science, public policy, sociology, communications, and economics." (Publisher description)
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"In the global context of digital authoritarianism, Hong Kong may become an important reference for a region in which currently the legal groundwork is laid for what may be more stringent tools of oppression. We can witness a rationalisation and legalisation of this process, where any form of critic
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ism is framed as an attack against the “rule of law” itself, which marks the beginning of the end of a free and open discourse." (Analysis and conclusion, page 18)
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"By learning about both the repression and resistance sides of Myanmar’s Spring Revolution, it is evident that digital technology is playing a critical role in this revolution. The military is using every possible technology to repress people, inject fear into society and manipulate it. The revolu
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tionists are also employing digital technology to circumvent the restrictions of the military and to employ innovative ways to build the state. The digital resilience of its society will be one of the determining factors of the revolution of Myanmar. This scenario of digital repression is one of the many manifestations that indicate that cyberspace has become a new sovereign territory different from land, sea and air. Information freedom, internet freedom, digital literacy, and media literacy cannot be taken for granted anymore as they now have an impact on people’s physical and digital survival. Therefore, Myanmar’s ongoing revolution to fight against the military’s dictatorship is not just physical anymore — the fact is that whoever harnesses the power of technology in the right way will become the game changer of the revolution." (Conclusion, page 14)
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"Like any authoritarian regime, the Philippine government uses various forms of digital authoritarianism to its advantage. The aim is to win the propaganda war against its perceived enemies so that it can continue implementing policies that are often detrimental to the ordinary folk. While the two i
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ncidents analysed in this research took place during the Duterte administration, the narrative frames asserted by state actors have persisted under the new administration of Marcos Jr. Marcos Jr. did not reverse Duterte’s actions. In fact, the same justifications have been peddled by the new officials in government, and even by online trolls with regard to the blocking of 27 websites and the practice of red-tagging. The same online vitriol against journalists and critics is being spread and amplified online under the new administration. The same pattern of attacks on the media has also been noted. According to human rights group Karapatan, the current Marcos Jr. administration seems intent on perpetuating different forms of authoritarianism to quell all forms of dissent." (Analysis and conclusion, page 21)
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"The Routledge Handbook of Collective Intelligence for Democracy and Governance explores the concepts, methodologies, and implications of collective intelligence for democratic governance, in the first comprehensive survey of this field. Illustrated by a collection of inspiring case studies and edit
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ed by three pioneers in collective intelligence, this handbook serves as a unique primer on the science of collective intelligence applied to public challenges and will inspire public actors, academics, students, and activists across the world to apply collective intelligence in policymaking and administration to explore its potential, both to foster policy innovations and reinvent democracy." (Publisher description)
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