"1979: Im Iran wird der Schah gestürzt, die islamische Republik entsteht; parallel eskaliert mit dem sowjetischen Einmarsch der Bürgerkrieg in Afghanistan. Bilder über Afghanistan waren seither zumeist Bilder der Zerstörung. Diesen Außenansichten setzt ›Kabul/ Teheran 1979 ff‹ Perspektiven
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aus Kabul entgegen. Nachrevolutionäre Filme aus dem Iran gewinnen Preise auf internationalen Festivals; zugleich steht Kino im Iran selbst für Modernität. Die iranische Filmszene unterstützt und beeinflusst die wieder entstehende afghanische Filmproduktion. Auch die vielen afghanischen Flüchtlinge, die im Iran leben, verbinden beide Länder. So wurde der Bauboom in der Megastadt Teheran maßgeblich von AfghanInnen bewerkstelligt. ›Kabul/Teheran 1979 ff‹ zeigt Geschichte(n), erzählt von iranischen und afghanischen FilmemacherInnen von 1979 bis heute, versammelt Beiträge vom Alltag der beiden Millionenstädte und aus den Flüchtlingslagern im Grenzgebiet der benachbarten Länder." (https://www.bbooks.de/verlag/kabul-teheran-1979ff)
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"This book is the first to offer a global perspective on the unique contemporary media phenomenon of transnational television channels. It is also the first to compare their impact in different regions of the globe. Revealing great richness and diversity across some of the world’s main geocultural
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regions (Europe, the Middle East, Africa, South Asia, Greater China and Latin America), international contributors with in-depth industry knowledge examine the place of these channels in the process of globalization, their impact on the nation-state and on regional culture and politics. The book also considers audiences and geocultural TV markets, providing new ways of thinking about the emerging transnational media order." (Publsiher)
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"Journalism and Democracy in Asia addresses key issues of freedom, democracy, citizenship, openness and journalism in contemporary Asia, looking especially at China, Japan, Korea, Indonesia, the Philippines and India. The authors take varying approaches to questions of democracy, whilst also conside
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ring journalism in print, radio and new media, in relation to such questions as the role of social, political and economic liberalization in bringing about a blooming of the media, the relationship between the media and the development of democracy and civil society, and how journalism copes under authoritarian rule." (Publisher description)
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"Die aufgeklärte Öffentlichkeit im Westen hat neue Helden: die Journalisten und Macher des arabischen Nachrichtensenders Al-Dschasira. Ganz offensichtlich lassen sie sich weder von Anzeigenboykotten aus der arabischen Welt noch von Anfeindungen der amerkanischen Führung davon abbringen, ihnen zug
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ängliche Nachrichten ohne jedwede Rücksichten zu verbreiten. Weltweites Aufsehen erregte Al Dschasira, als man nach dem 11. September ein Tonband Osama Bin Ladens abspielte. Seitdem steht der Sender im Verdacht, mit Al Quaida zu konspirieren. In den Verdacht, auch vom israelischen Geheimdienst oder der CIA finanziert zu sein, kam er, als er zu Beginn der zweiten Intifada in seiner berühmten Talkshow 'The Opposite Direction' auch Israelis zu Wort kommen ließ. Mit dieser Politik folgt Al-Dschasira – nach Auskunft der Verantwortlichen – 'nur' seinem Motto 'Meinung und Gegenmeinung'. Ob damit die tatsächlichen Motive des Senders richtig charakterisiert sind, ist auch Thema dieser Reportage. Der Journalist Hugh Miles sprach mit den Schlüsselfiguren des Senders. Er berichtet über die Hintergründe und die Stationen des meteoritengleichen Aufstiegs eines Fernsehsenders, der demnächst auch in englischer Sprache senden wird, um so weltweit zu agieren. Möglicherweise, so meint Hugh Miles selbstkritisch, habe er nur deswegen – sozusagen als PR im englischsprachigen Raum – die bisher einmalige Gelegenheit erhalten, hinter die Kulissen zu sehen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This dissertation examines international aid in support of Afghan media from fall 2001 to fall 2004 as a case study to interrogate the notion of “media transition” and its underlying assumptions. It examines how development organizations such as the United Nations, bilateral aid agencies such a
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s the U.S. Agency for International Development, and non-governmental agencies created the institutional structures that define and support the practice of media transition. It analyzes how the nascent Afghan state media institutions and non-governmental organizations dedicated to media reconstruction negotiated and mobilized the discourse of media transition to further their own aims. It also analyzes how changing political considerations, media production and dissemination outlets, and media producers’ own sense of mission affected the production of a series of radio programs designed to promote Afghan political transition. This dissertation argues that democracy should not be treated as a self-evident goal for media transitions, but should be viewed as a discursive process that shares many of the same concerns as development communications, and that mobilizes a transnational public sphere." (Abstract)
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"Inspired by innovations that emerged from the Kothmale Community Radio and Internet project, Sri Lanka, in 1999 and 2000, UNESCO has since established some fifty CMCs in a wide range of contexts in some twenty countries on three continents. In addition to new facilities and increased local capacity
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in communities around the world, pilot CMCs have involved a wide variety of partnerships, across all levels, and have led to an expanding number of creative and dynamic new initiatives and solutions in key areas, from content creation to financial and social sustainability. Significantly, the first phase of the CMC programme has also led to national ‘scale-up’ projects now underway in Mali, Mozambique and Senegal. This volume not only shares the context and experiences of UNESCO-supported CMCs, but is also intended to facilitate direct, practical cooperation between international and national agencies with CMCs at the ground level by providing a directory of local CMC services and contact information." (Foreword)
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"This publication has been produced in order to improve the chances of success of Poverty Reduction Strategies (PRSs) in two ways: 1. To show policymakers how strategic communication can help them to achieve some of their objectives in formulating and executing effective Poverty Reduction Strategies
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; 2. To give the technocrats and officials actively engaged in the execution of Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs) guidance on best practice as well as lessons from a community of practice spread around the world." (Executive Summary)
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"This paper derives from a seminar on Media Development and OSCE field missions, which was organised by Press Now and the Netherlands Helsinki Committee, and hosted by the Netherlands Foreign Ministry in The Hague on 16 June 2005. These remarks convey the summary thoughts and practical recommendatio
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ns that emerged at the seminar, together with our own conclusions as moderators of the event. They amplify the analysis and recommendations offered in Press Now’s 2004 report on media development by selected OSCE missions. Introduction: OSCE missions have done excellent work in media development. At the same time, limited resources have not always been well used. Lessons can be learned from the experiences of a decade and turned into practical proposals. Missions are affected by many variables largely or even fully beyond their control, including but not limited to their mandates, the situation in their host countries (political, military/security, economic, cultural), the level of international interest in their activity, and their staffing. Nevertheless, we believe it has been demonstrated again and again that media development – apart from its importance in its own right – is also a litmus test of a host government’s commitment to other democratisation and liberalisation efforts, and an enabler of such reforms." (Conclusions, page 6)
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"The purpose of the final evaluation was to provide the Office of Transition Initiatives (OTI) and the U.S. Agency for International Development with an assessment of the relevance, effectiveness, and lessons learned from OTI’s mega-program in Afghanistan. Since evaluations of the media program ha
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d been undertaken and a study of management issues was planned, this evaluation addressed the following fundamental questions: 1. Was OTI strategic? 2. Did OTI promote government legitimacy? 3. Did OTI’s use of participatory democratic processes increase citizen’s connections to each other and to local authorities?" (Executive summary, page 6)
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"[...] Radio listening amongst young people appears to be high and most of those interviewed listen daily, usually after lunch and in the evening. The BBC and VOA are popular stations with young people as are local radio stations including Radio Azadi, Aman and Sharq. However, in cities radio compet
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es with TV, and young people from middle and low income groups often prefer it. Young people like listening to music but are also interested in news, debate and programmes, dealing with real issues or problems that offer insight, analysis and helpful solutions. Such programmes according to local journalists, youth workers and young people are in short supply, whereas music is not. Most young people indicate strongly that they want radio to contribute to both their broad education and their schooling. They want information about Afghanistan, its history and culture, its development and place in the world. They want to know how to help themselves, their families and their country and they want to be informed in an interesting, entertaining and frank way. They also want to know how other young people live in neighbouring countries. Young men and women would like a radio programme that gives them a voice and encourages debate about issues that affect them (for example, schools in rural areas, the introduction of private education, how much study to do, examination procedures, how to get into university, available courses, marriage and job opportunities). Women say they want radio to deal with the specific problems they face in relation to their status, education, work and security. Young people want to hear provincial, district and rural perspectives, not just voices from Kabul. There are high expectations of what the media can achieve in Afghanistan in terms of improving civic behaviour, government accountability, and changing harmful cultural attitudes and practices, particularly towards young women. Young women say radio should do more to persuade and influence fathers, uncles, brothers and imams on issues relating to their rights." (Executive summary, page 4)
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